Over the years, one question has vexed China's leadership. If the two national goals -- "unification of the motherland" and "economic development" -- clashed, which had the higher priority?
If national unification was given priority, China would go to war with the US against Taiwan declaring independence at any cost, even if China's economy were to fall back 30 years.
If national economic development was placed first, China would avoid confronting the US militarily. In addition, Beijing would strive to stabilize Sino-US relations and contain Taiwanese independence through Washington's influence on the island.
When US President George W. Bush -- who had taken a hard line toward Beijing during the election campaign -- was inaugurated on January 2001, China's former deputy premier, Qian Qichen (錢其琛), in internal meetings courageously made a not-necessarily popular proposal. He suggested that Beijing should put cooperation before contradiction in its interactions with the US.
Shortly afterward, in April 2001, the Sino-US relationship deteriorated after a US surveillance plane collided with a Chinese military aircraft off China's southern coast. Surging anti-American sentiment swept through China's People's Liberation Army (PLA) which began getting ready for war. Qian's proposal was, apparently, shoved aside. Yet he did not give up.
In the summer of 2002, China's leadership reached a consensus: In dealing with the US, cooperation was more important than contradiction, and economic development took priority over national unification.
In an interview in October 2002, Qian elaborated that: "When we handle Sino-American relations ? we must make it a contest of wits and courage, but not of temper; seek not the gratification of a moment, and pursue not the victory of a day."
Afterward, Beijing's diplomacy and policy on Taiwan became more pragmatic, flexible and subtle. Beijing has not ceased to surprise observers.
In November 2002, Beijing undertook a complete 180-degree turn in attitude at the UN Security Council, when it voted to approve UN inspections for weapons of mass destruction in Iraq -- tantamount to a nod to the US' military invasion of the country. Prior to that, China had expressed strong opposition to US hegemony and the idea of any country launching pre-emptive attacks against another. This came on the heels of the US invasion of Afghanistan after the Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in New York.
These actions by the US served to contain China's ambitions to expand, but sparked misgivings in Beijing about the US setting a precedent for dispatching its troops internationally, as it might also do to defend Taiwan.
In 2003, China for the first time allowed foreign troops to participate in counter-terrorist military exercises held on the sacred soil of the motherland. In addition, Beijing even invited observers from 15 countries to the PLA maneuvers. Last year the number of countries invited to observe increased to 16.
In November 2003, Beijing delivered a note to more than 170 embassies to express its objection to the referendum that would be held with the Taiwan's presidential election in March the next year. Beijing's attitude was unyielding, yet cautious. This marked the first time Beijing had internationalized the Taiwan issue since the People's Republic of China (PRC) was established in 1949. It had previously regarded the Taiwan issue as internal.
On May 17 last year, Beijing commented on President Chen Shui-bian's (陳水扁) second inauguration speech -- ?three days before the speech was made. It took Beijing two hours to respond to Taipei after Chen's first inauguration speech in 2000. Prior to 2000, it would usually take more than a week for Beijing to respond to presidential inauguration speeches.
But contradictions remain.
Last November, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao (
Last year, Beijing signed a boundary treaty with New Delhi and Moscow, respectively, over long-standing border disputes. But didn't the PLA clash with Indian soldiers near the boarder in 1962 and fire on the Russians on the boundary between these two countries in 1969?
At the end of last year, the popular catchphrase in Washington was that it is easier to communicate with China than with Europe. By the same token, the catchphrase in the EU is that it is easier to talk with China than with the US. Obviously China has gained the upper hand when dealing with both the EU and the US.
China's booming economy seemed to be overheating, but began to cool down toward the end of last year as inflation eased. Although Taipei's decision to hold the referendum in conjunction with last year's presidential election and recent proposals to change the national title have gotten on Beijing's nerves, it has not made any reckless moves.
The actions of the enemy may reveal something significant for our future success. We can learn from the skills of China's leadership and one day turn the tables on them. Furthermore, we should prioritize our national agenda. Although political dignity, economic development and military security are what we crave, there is no way we can achieve all of these objectives at the same time. We can remain invincible only if these issues are clearly prioritized.
Lin Chong-Pin is a professor in the Graduate Institute of International Affairs and Strategic Studies at Tamkang University.
TRANSLATED BY DANIEL CHENG
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