US National Security Advisor Condoleeza Rice's 500m move from the White House to the State Department is a supreme act of vindication by a president who believes he has the popular will behind him.
Under Secretary of State Colin Powell, the State Department has been the lone unruly province in President George W. Bush's kingdom, paying dutiful lip service to his authority while whispering multilateralist sedition.
Restored with a clear majority vote, Bush has dealt with the nagging problem in imperious fashion, dispatching a courtier so close to him as to be almost Bush royalty.
Rice, who turned 50 on Sunday, has been tutoring him on foreign policy since 1998. She quickly emerged as the leader of the self-styled "Vulcans" who met at the Bush ranch in Crawford, Texas, to craft a conservative strategy for the world, and it was clear that the then Texas governor had taken a shine to the elegant academic who shared his obsession with sports.
"She's fun to be with," Bush said at the time. "I like lighthearted people, not people who take themselves so seriously."
"Besides, she's really smart!" he said.
As national security adviser for four years, Rice has been indispensable and constantly available. She has no other life, has never married and a handful of dates with eligible men organized by well-meaning friends have led nowhere romantically.
She spends many of her weekends at Camp David with the president, watching baseball and football and doing jigsaws with the first family. Her only time off appears to be occasional sessions playing the piano with a classical music group in Washington.
At a dinner party with some senior journalists in spring this year, her dedication was revealed in an extraordinary Freudian slip.
"As I was telling my husb-" she blurted, before correcting herself. "As I was telling President Bush."
It says a lot about the prim reputation of both that hardly anyone in gossip-ridden Washington interpreted the slip as a sign of a romantic connection.
As Bush campaigned for re-election, Rice's colleagues and friends were suggesting that she was longing to get away and get a life of her own. She even mused publicly about becoming the commissioner of the National Football League.
Before the election, a longstanding friend confidently predicted she would go back to academia, unless she got the defense department.
But there was to be no vacancy at the Pentagon.
It is unclear what induced Rice to agree to take a job she privately said she was not keen on, but she is not the sort of person to turn down a direct request from the president. She may also have found it hard to turn down the opportunity to become the first black woman to fill a post that first belonged to Thomas Jefferson.
Nevertheless, the State Department is hardly a natural fit for a woman who has always been more interested in the exercise than the balance of power.
She was born in Birmingham, Alabama, and her early years were spent amid the turmoil of the civil rights battles. A young schoolmate was killed when white supremacists blew up a black church, and her father, a college teacher, had to patrol the streets to protect their middle class neighborhood.
The young Condoleezza (the name derives from the musical term con dolcezza, which means "to play with sweetness") leapt high over every social and racial barrier. She was a prodigy -- a pianist who gave her first recital by the age of four, an accomplished skater and a precocious intellect accepted by the University of Denver to study political science at 15.
It was Josef Korbel, a Czech immigrant and former secretary of state Madeleine Albright's father, who inspired her interest in international politics. She wrote her thesis on the Czech armed forces and became a Sovietologist at Stanford University.
It was Brent Scowcroft, national security adviser to the former president George Bush, who spotted her talent. She became an influential Cold Warrior in the first Bush White House just as the Cold War was ending and the Soviet Union was about to collapse.
She has been faulted, and has faulted herself, for failing to keep up with the pace of change in the Eastern bloc. The first Bush White House clung to the integrity of the Soviet Union almost longer than Moscow itself, and stuck by former president Mikhail Gorbachev even after it became apparent that Boris Yeltsin represented Russia's future.
Her critics say she failed to learn from that mistake, and was still fixated on Russia and China in the first few months of the younger Bush's administration. In his account of that period, her former counter-terrorism expert, Richard Clarke, lambasted her for failing to organize a Cabinet-level meeting on the al-Qaeda threat until September 2001.
On Iraq, Rice played both sides of the argument. She promoted an aggressive line against Baghdad but also gave tacit support for Powell's insistence on taking the issue to the UN.
On the few occasions that she flexed her White House muscle, taking over postwar planning for Iraq from the Pentagon and US policy in the Israel-Palestinian conflict, the results were poor.
Now, the move to the State Department will entail having to take even greater responsibility.
With the Year of the Snake reaching its conclusion on Monday next week, now is an opportune moment to reflect on the past year — a year marked by institutional strain and national resilience. For Taiwan, the Year of the Snake was a composite of political friction, economic momentum, social unease and strategic consolidation. In the political sphere, it was defined less by legislative productivity and more by partisan confrontation. The mass recall movement sought to remove 31 Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) legislators following the passage of controversial bills that expanded legislative powers and imposed sweeping budget cuts. While the effort
There is a story in India about a boy called Prahlad who was an ardent worshipper of Lord Narayana, whom his father considered an enemy. His son’s devotion vexed the father to the extent that he asked his sister, Holika, who could not be burned by fire, to sit with the boy in her lap and burn him to death. Prahlad knew about this evil plan, but sat in his aunt’s lap anyway. His faith won, as he remained unscathed by the fire, while his aunt was devoured by the flames. In some small way, Prahlad reminds me of Taiwan
When Hong Kong’s High Court sentenced newspaper owner Jimmy Lai (黎智英) to 20 years in prison this week, officials declared that his “heinous crimes” had long poisoned society and that his punishment represented justice restored. In their telling, Lai is the mastermind of Hong Kong’s unrest — the architect of a vast conspiracy that manipulated an otherwise contented population into defiance. They imply that removing him would lead to the return of stability. It is a politically convenient narrative — and a profoundly false one. Lai did not radicalize Hong Kong. He belonged to the same generation that fled from the Chinese
The top Chinese official in charge of Taiwan policy this week said that Beijing must gain dominance in cross-strait relations and firmly support “patriotic pro-reunification forces” in Taiwan. All Chinese Communist Party (CCP) officials must “firmly grasp the initiative and dominance in cross-strait relations” to advance the “great cause of national reunification across the Taiwan Strait,” Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference Chairman Wang Huning (王滬寧) said at the Taiwan Work Conference, China’s annual event outling policies on Taiwan. Wang also reiterated the need to adhere to the “one China principle” and the so-called “1992 consensus,” to support Taiwanese compatriots who firmly support
RSS