As usual, the last day of the legislative session saw many bills being approved at the last minute -- among them the Organic Standard Law of the Central Government Agencies (
Although it had been a campaign platform and the intention of President Chen Shui-bian (
In view of the way that the pan-blues have been harassing the Chen administration whenever the chance arises, it is hard to not suspect that they have been cooperative in the downsizing because they saw this as a way to reduce or confine the executive branch's power. This view is confirmed when one takes into consideration how they managed to slip into the draft the provision that requires legislative approval for appointment of the five independent agencies' heads.
Giving such a power to the Legislative Yuan presents several problems. First, the Constitution explicitly gives the president the power to appoint the premier without the approval of the Legislative Yuan. The intention is obviously for the legislature to keep its hands off of nominations and appointments of Executive Yuan personnel. Under the circumstances, it just doesn't make sense that the appointment of the heads of any departments under the Executive Yuan, regardless of whether they are independent agencies, would require legislative approval.
Moreover, this is not a mere issue of unduly enlarging legislative power, but also an issue of a possible violation of the Constitution. Perhaps the pan-blue opposition dislikes the current checks and balances of power between the various government branches -- in particular, between the Legislative Yuan and the Executive Yuan. Yet until a consensus is reached through public debate with respect to the precise form of government that Taiwan should have -- for example, a pure presidential, Cabinet or other type of system -- it is irresponsible to disturb the current system in such piecemeal fashion. Any changes of this fundamental nature concerning governmental powers should be reserved for the comprehensive constitution re-engineering project proposed by Chen.
Quite obviously, the fact that the pan-blues currently enjoy a legislative majority and their continued refusal to accept the outcome of the presidential election -- casting the blame in part on the Central Election Commission -- had been what prompted them to push through a bill containing such a provision.
It is irresponsible for any political party or lawmaker to support any bill for reasons such as these. In enacting any law, they should be thinking about the long-term impact it could have on the government or the nation as a whole.
After all, what happens when the pan-blues come into power or no longer enjoy a legislative majority, which is a realistic possibility in view of their recent behavior?
Will they regret their actions and try to amend the law again then?
A Chinese diplomat’s violent threat against Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi following her remarks on defending Taiwan marks a dangerous escalation in East Asian tensions, revealing Beijing’s growing intolerance for dissent and the fragility of regional diplomacy. Chinese Consul General in Osaka Xue Jian (薛劍) on Saturday posted a chilling message on X: “the dirty neck that sticks itself in must be cut off,” in reference to Takaichi’s remark to Japanese lawmakers that an attack on Taiwan could threaten Japan’s survival. The post, which was later deleted, was not an isolated outburst. Xue has also amplified other incendiary messages, including one suggesting
Chinese Consul General in Osaka Xue Jian (薛劍) on Saturday last week shared a news article on social media about Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s remarks on Taiwan, adding that “the dirty neck that sticks itself in must be cut off.” The previous day in the Japanese House of Representatives, Takaichi said that a Chinese attack on Taiwan could constitute “a situation threatening Japan’s survival,” a reference to a legal legal term introduced in 2015 that allows the prime minister to deploy the Japan Self-Defense Forces. The violent nature of Xue’s comments is notable in that it came from a diplomat,
Before 1945, the most widely spoken language in Taiwan was Tai-gi (also known as Taiwanese, Taiwanese Hokkien or Hoklo). However, due to almost a century of language repression policies, many Taiwanese believe that Tai-gi is at risk of disappearing. To understand this crisis, I interviewed academics and activists about Taiwan’s history of language repression, the major challenges of revitalizing Tai-gi and their policy recommendations. Although Taiwanese were pressured to speak Japanese when Taiwan became a Japanese colony in 1895, most managed to keep their heritage languages alive in their homes. However, starting in 1949, when the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) enacted martial law
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