Speaking at the annual meeting of the Asian Taiwanese Chamber of Commerce on Monday, President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) once again raised the "Invest in Southeast Asia" policy, saying China is only one of many markets for Taiwanese businesses. Chen also promised that the government would provide the strongest support possible to Taiwanese firms investing in Southeast Asia. The Ministry of Economic Affairs then immediately announced that the minister would lead a delegation to Southeast Asia to look at the investment environment there. The "Go South" policy seems to have become an important economic and trade policy for the government.
From a strategic viewpoint, the government's policy of encouraging business investment in Southeast Asia in order to offset the business exodus to China is absolutely correct. However, business investments follow profits, not politics. Of the investors who followed the government's "Go South" policy when it was first proposed by then president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) ten years ago, very few have survived the political and security difficulties in Southeast Asia and the 1998 Asian financial crisis. Unless the government can come up with effective incentives this time, few entrepreneurs will run after the government's political bugle.
The investment environment in Southeast Asia has changed considerably over the past ten years. After massive capital outflow to China, Taiwanese capital is no longer as robust as it was ten years ago and business investors now tend to be more cautious. If the call to "go south" is merely a moral one, few businesses will follow.
But if "go south" is an official policy, the government will have to take both moral and political responsibility toward the Taiwanese businesses investing in that region. If the government wants to promote the policy, then it should fully grasp the advantages of collective investment. It should also utilize the WTO's trade-negotiation mechanisms, seek better investment conditions from Southeast Asian countries and ensure that the interests of Taiwanese investments are protected. Only then can it begin to create an investment incentive stronger than that of China. This will counter China's economic unification war while at the same time allowing Taiwanese businesses to make money.
Taiwan's free-trade and investment talks with Southeast Asian nations are currently making no progress except for those with Singapore. Even inside ASEAN's territory, Taiwan may still have to face challenges from arrangements of "ASEAN plus one" (i.e. China) and "ASEAN plus three" (China, South Korea and Japan). With plans to complete free-trade talks within ten years, China is already a step ahead of Taiwan in economic relations with ASEAN. Taiwan can only try to reach bilateral agreements with individual ASEAN members before "ASEAN plus one" fully takes shape. China's massive population and market also gives it an advantage over Taiwan. On the other hand, China and ASEAN are very similar in terms of their capital demand and technology levels. In other words, they also compete with each other. Taiwan has an advantage over China in this respect, leading the giant in the areas of technology and capital. Taiwan and ASEAN can have complementary relations.
China will inevitably use formats such as "ASEAN plus one" and "ASEAN plus three" to exclude Taiwan from the regional economy. If Taiwan wants to break through such a blockade, it must utilize collective investment and take advantage of collective negotiations. As a foundation for all this, the government needs to have an all-round investment plan and a close-knit organization to link offshore investments to their parent companies in Taiwan. The government needs to provide good "after-sale services" to investors, instead of simply leaving them to fend for themselves overseas.
When Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) sits down with US President Donald Trump in Beijing on Thursday next week, Xi is unlikely to demand a dramatic public betrayal of Taiwan. He does not need to. Beijing’s preferred victory is smaller, quieter and in some ways far more dangerous: a subtle shift in American wording that appears technical, but carries major strategic meaning. The ask is simple: replace the longstanding US formulation that Washington “does not support Taiwan independence” with a harder one — that Washington “opposes” Taiwan independence. One word changes; a deterrence structure built over decades begins to shift.
Recently, Taipei’s streets have been plagued by the bizarre sight of rats running rampant and the city government’s countermeasures have devolved into an anti-intellectual farce. The Taipei Parks and Street Lights Office has attempted to eradicate rats by filling their burrows with polyurethane foam, seeming to believe that rats could not simply dig another path out. Meanwhile, as the nation’s capital slowly deteriorates into a rat hive, the Taipei Department of Environmental Protection has proudly pointed to the increase in the number of poisoned rats reported in February and March as a sign of success. When confronted with public concerns over young
Taipei is facing a severe rat infestation, and the city government is reportedly considering large-scale use of rodenticides as its primary control measure. However, this move could trigger an ecological disaster, including mass deaths of birds of prey. In the past, black kites, relatives of eagles, took more than three decades to return to the skies above the Taipei Basin. Taiwan’s black kite population was nearly wiped out by the combined effects of habitat destruction, pesticides and rodenticides. By 1992, fewer than 200 black kites remained on the island. Fortunately, thanks to more than 30 years of collective effort to preserve their remaining
After Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) met Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) in Beijing, most headlines referred to her as the leader of the opposition in Taiwan. Is she really, though? Being the chairwoman of the KMT does not automatically translate into being the leader of the opposition in the sense that most foreign readers would understand it. “Leader of the opposition” is a very British term. It applies to the Westminster system of parliamentary democracy, and to some extent, to other democracies. If you look at the UK right now, Conservative Party head Kemi Badenoch is