Recently, the "good neighbor" budgets of the Chinese Petroleum Corp (
Since Chinese Petroleum Corp and Taipower have enormous "good neighbor" budgets, they are looked upon by communities as fat lambs ready for slaughter. Politicians are rather enthusiastic about this method of compensation because it enables them to garner votes. Some legislators even make use of their right to review budgets to privately demand subsidies from state-owned polluters.
The original intent of the compensation budgets was admirable. They were meant to compensate those residents living near public facilities that generate pollution. Since the establishment and operation of such plants could have a negative impact on the quality of life, the value of property, health or the environment, the hope was to create friendly relations between residents and factories.
Due to Taiwan's limited area and high population density, it is more likely than not that public facilities will be located near residential areas, and inevitably such facilities will threaten people's livelihoods. Taking into account the common sentiment against having public facilities "in one's backyard," the government has undertaken to compensate communities with the expedient measure of buying the right to use the environment. There seems to be no other alternative.
If we can agree on the legitimacy of providing compensation to areas neighboring pollution sources, then the problem that should concern us is how these funds can be used to benefit the underprivileged communities that bear the risk of environmental pollution? How can the entire community be looked after without letting particular groups, individuals or politicians create a hotbed of private interests?
The most urgent task is for the Commission of National Corporations (國營會) to integrate each state-run enterprise's methods for handling "good neighbor" funds. In the near future, it should present to the legislature a draft bill to systematize the disbursement of environmental-impact compensation to ensure that funds are used legally. The draft of that bill must adhere to the following two principles.
One, the funds should be used to subsidize construction of public works projects and the ultimate goal should be to create a "mini Singapore." In the past, the public has applied for support for a wide variety of activities -- including temple association events, club activities, payouts on festival days, money to sponsor competitions and so on -- under the name of environmental impact compensation. Many of these causes violate the spirit of compensating communities.
In the future, the use of such funds should be restricted to repairing bridges, fixing roads, building libraries and hospitals and other public works. The risk of pollution born by the communities should be compensated by working toward the goal of constructing a "mini Singapore."
Two, distribution of funds must take risk and proximity into account. It can't be done haphazardly. Manufacturers could invite academic organizations to confirm the level of risk and degree of proximity to pollution faced by the public. Those closer to sources of pollution and at higher risk from pollution should receive more compensation.
To solve the various problems that derive from public-relations funds, the most basic approach is for the government to handle relations with communities and the public. When the engineers at the Chinese Petroleum or Taipower are faced with irrational demands for compensation, the government must act quickly. It shouldn't look the other way when such compensation includes cash for special interests and political benefits for unscrupulous politicians. Those are signs of political decadence in Taiwan and we ought to be on guard against them.
Chiou Chang-tay is director of the Research Center for Public Opinion and Election Studies, National Taipei University.
Translated by Ethan Harkness
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