The changeover in the organization of the Ministry of National Defense on Mar. 1 is a major step in both modernizing the military establishment and incorporating that important ministry into Tai-wan's democratic structure. The armed forces are now integrated into the government and into the society, at least in law.
Changing the mentality of the people, in the military and in society in general, may take more time. One hopes not too long, however, as the more favorable attitude of the US administration and the necessity for greater cooperation that comes with high-tech weaponry and new strate-gies, is an opportunity that must be seized now. Improvement in the command and control structure were necessary for the US side to live up to its commitment under the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) and for interoperability, should that need arise.
The changeover in the ministry was a culmination of much work that has taken place in Taiwan and in the Taiwan-US military relationship over a considerable amount of time. Most importantly, it was preceded by the passage of the necessary laws by the Legislative Yuan. In addition, on the US side, groups of technical personnel have come to Tai-wan to support the more sophisticated equip-ment that has been purchased. Others have come to study Taiwan's defensive needs required by either congressional mandate or by the requirements of the TRA.
There have also been academic seminars in Taiwan and visits by members of Congress or congressionally-sponsored commissions to study the state of Taiwan's military establishment and its needs for the future.
Some discern in these activities some major change in US policy. One should look at the changing circumstances, however. The scenario of thousands of troops from China landing on the shores of Taiwan has pretty much disappeared. Now it is missiles and blockades -- a different kind of war, a different kind of defense, a different kind of strategy -- that compels logical adjustments in the military relationship.
At the same time, the US continues to say that it will meet its commitment to permit Taiwan's access to the kinds of equipment needed to defend itself. (It also must continue to assess how these changes, not only in Taiwan but in China, Japan and East Asia generally, affect US security interests in the region). So closer coordination between the US and Taiwan's military does not have an ulterior motive, but is a natural development in helping to maintain the status quo in East Asia generally and in the Taiwan Strait in particular.
But there have been changes, of course, in both Taiwan and the US. These are not in the policies of broad macro dimensions, however. In Taiwan there has been progress in bringing academic and government security specialists into closer dialogue with the military establishment. A special adviser to the National Security Council has been named just for this purpose. In the Legislative Yuan, a retired admiral is one of the conveners of the Defense Committee. The interaction between civilian security and military officials has made some progress, though more is needed.
In the US, the president has made it clear that he takes the TRA and its commitments seriously. Much has been written in the media about his statements in Japan and China to this effect. These are statements made as much for China's ears as for Tai-wan's, to assure both sides there is no misunderstanding. But it also serves purposes at home. The Congress also must be assured that the US is following the law (the TRA), and the military must be clear about the same point. The recent testimony before Congress of the commander-in-chief of the US Pacific Command, Admiral Dennis Blair, shows they understand the message well.
This attitude also bolsters the government's will to meet commitments promised, even when it is difficult. When submarines were approved for sale to Taiwan last year, there was considerable criticism in the US media that this was an empty promise. The US has not built diesel submarines for several decades and the Europeans, who have, would have no part of it. The Pentagon seems to have gone to considerable lengths to meet the US commitment, however. Considerable time, effort and personnel, in government and the private sector, must have gone into finding and encouraging companies to produce a proposal for making these submarines.
One can't help but compare the difference in effort when considering the commitment made some years ago on having Taiwan's "voice be heard" in international organizations.
In addition, the private sector, headed by the US-Taiwan Business Council, has arranged a special meeting in Florida with civilian and military participants from both the US and Taiwan, including member companies, to discuss military issues -- in particular arms sales. Although this has been done on economic matters, it is the first such meeting to discuss military sales and related subjects. It is another channel for dialogue between the two sides on military matters.
All of the above can be seen as positive, and logical, developments in the US-Taiwan military relationship. Lest we forget, however, that there are other changes taking place that can't be ignored.
China's growing economic power, both real and imagined, gives it a much greater influence in blocking Taiwan's participation in the international community.
Another change is in Taiwan itself. Before the last US election, any public statement, to say nothing of action, regarding cross-strait relations made by Taiwan that seemed to deviate from the past, received an immediate and usually negative response from Washington. This was normally followed some time later by Beijing.
Since then, however, reaction from Washington has been more measured and seems to reflect the reality of today's Taiwan far better than in the past. (Beijing was left to express its own displeasure in its own inimitable style). But in Taiwan, ironically, change in this regard now seems to have gone in a different direction. Such statements or actions by government get an immediate, and usually negative, reaction from at least some of the body politic, thus relieving Beijing of the trouble.
While clearly, and especially in security matters, there have been positive adjustments in the US-Taiwan relationship, fundamental policies have not changed. Logical adjustments, not bold leaps, are still the best road to progress in the US-Taiwan relationship.
Nat Bellocchi is a former chairman of the American Institute in Taiwan and is now a special adviser to the Liberty Times Group. The views expressed in this article are his own.
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