Taiwan's post-election political landscape would have been moving toward reconciliation if both the DPP and the opposition could compete with each other on the basis of policy. Regretfully, most politicians have failed to incorporate a strategy of gentle persuasion into their frequent political contests. Instead, some opposition leaders still put their parties' interests above the interests of the general public.
The Cabinet-led campaign to override the the Law Governing the Allocation of Government Revenues and Expenditures (財政收支劃分法), passed by the KMT-led alliance in the waning hours of the previous legislature's final session, illustrated the urgency of better ways for the ruling and the opposition parties -- as well as the executive and legislative branches -- to negotiate.
Despite the fact that the executive branch won the budget fight, the side effects remain worrying, because it displayed the nation's ongoing political immaturity.
We have learned from the fight that political bickering and petty accusations remain a central element in Taiwan's political culture.
What ever happened to rational debate? What ever can the public expect to learn from the kind of debate that takes place in today's Taiwan? And what impact will the present political climate, characterized by petty political struggle, have on the consolidation of democracy in this country?
The good news is that the Cabinet, led by Premier Yu Shyi-kun, deserves great credit for being able to engage in a campaign of allying with the secondary enemy to fight against the chief enemy. Since the opposition needs to secure at least half of the legislative seats, all the Cabinet had to do is to attract a few independently-minded legislators from the opposition or independent camp.
In addition to that, the key to the Cabinet's victory to defend its revenue allocation proposition lies in its ability to effectively negotiate. The power to negotiate entails not only the ability to persuade and to trade but also the tactics to win public support through effectively explaining your position.
In this regard, there is plenty of room for improvement.
Chen Shui-bian's (陳水扁) administration has learned a great lesson from its first year of governance. Experience gleaned from everything from the change in premier and the controversial handling of the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant to the partial reshuffling of the Cabinet contributed to the new thinking involved with its recent dealings with the opposition alliance.
A political leader should take the temperature and monitor the pulse of the times in which he lives. With humility, he must tailor his style of advocacy to his findings in this regard. He need not mute his desire for change or modify his ideas, but he must make sure his style matches the public mood.
A smart political leader in Taiwan should realize that the national mood has changed.
Exhausted by partisan dis-putes and extremism over the so-called unification-independence dichotomy, the country wants its politicians to get together and compromise on their differences.
Based on such strategic thinking, Chen and his Cabinet successfully made use of the national craving for party reconciliation and forged a new model for future partisan interaction.
In terms of bridging partisan differences and pursuing reconciliation with the opposition, Chen and his Cabinet should continue the strategy of gentle persuasion and bargaining to search for common ground on key policy issues.
Chen should keep in mind that a politician does not only need public support to win elections; he needs it to govern. An elected executive -- whether a president, governor or mayor -- needs a popular majority every day of his term.
A politician needs to maintain a permanent campaign to keep his majority together. Keeping a majority does not mean abandoning principle. It means caring enough about how you explain yourself to get the nation behind you. When presidents take bold steps and don't explain them properly, they aren't doing their job.
The power to negotiate determines whether Chen should be aggressive or conciliatory in pushing forward major policies. Should he lash out boldly with new approaches and positions, or focus instead on incremental change? Is it time to run up the flag and charge, or to mediate differences and seek to move the consensus by stages?
Chen did a good job by displaying a low-key and humble manner after the election. To win greater support, Chen and his Cabinet should build up mechanisms to coordinate policy making and implementation. Those mechanisms should include the strengthening of the functions of the congressional liaison office, the improve-ment of cooperation with other opposition groups and individuals based on any specific agenda and most importantly, the exercise of more patience and skill in the process of negotiation.
Presidential personality is another key element. Will they admit a mistake? Will they fight the good fight? Are they willing to take risks for the greater good? Are they able to find a balance between political maneuvering, public support and the power to negotiate?
To sum up, a president does not develop his strategic relationship without understanding what his opposition is going to do in response, or what their own ideas are in forging their own game plan for a particular time. Those are the lessons that Chen must learn next if he is to maintain better relations with the legislature.
Liu Kuan-teh is a Taipei-based political commentator.
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