Yu Shyi-kun took over as the new premier on Friday. The most important present he received on that day was the harsh reality that the new Cabinet continues to be part of a minority government. The "pan-blue" camp defeated the "pan-green" camp in the elections for the Legislative Yuan's speaker and vice speaker. While the DPP may be the biggest party in the legislature, it is not the boss there. Just like those who came before him, Tang Fei (唐飛) and Chang Chun-hsiung (張俊雄), Yu will face resistance from an opposition majority in the legislature.
While the KMT's seats may have declined significantly, the "pan-blue" camp maintains its majority. Both camps believe they call the shots in the legislature. A trial of strength is inevitable.
Attaining political stability takes more than goodwill. Strength is what counts. The opposition's goodwill allowed Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) to organize the Cabinet smoothly. The ruling party's goodwill toward the KMT's Wang Jin-pyng (王金平) was based on Chen's hope of creating political harmony. Toward that end, Chen also delayed the organization of the "National Stabilization Alliance." Therefore, the "pan-green" camp missed the chance to strike first. By the time the opposition parties joined forces in the bid for the leadership of Legislative Yuan, the "pan-green" camp had very little time to mount a counterattack.
Despite being the largest party in the legislature, the DPP was defeated in the election for the vice speaker. This sends a major warning to the Chen administration. Warming up for an all-out battle in the 2004 presidential election, President Chen can allow neither the legislature to corner his Cabinet again nor the rivalry between the ruling and opposition camps to block his re-election. The stalled creation of the "National Stabilization Alliance" must be restarted, so that the new Cabinet will not be handicapped by the legislature.
Nevertheless, there is a silver lining to the cloud of Friday's elections. Newly re-elected Legislative Yuan Speaker Wang Jin-pyng may have been nominated by the KMT, but he was elected with 218 votes, only seven votes away from unanimity. By garnering an unprecedented 97 percent of the votes, Wang has apparently won bi-partisan recognition despite party polarization. With the unanimous endorsement of Chen Shui-bian, Lee Teng-hui (李登輝), Lien Chan (連戰), and James Soong (宋楚瑜), Wang has become a miraculous common denominator. He has proved his strength. If he can make good use of his influence, he will become the much-needed catalyst for political stability.
The DPP's Hong Chi-chang (洪奇昌) won 106 votes in the election for vice speaker, losing out to the KMT's Chiang Ping-kun (江丙坤), who won 115 votes. This demonstrates the new power structure in the legislature. The "combat cabinet" of Chen suffered a major defeat in its first battle. The DPP government must accept the reality that it remains a minority government. It should not repeat the mistakes it made regarding the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant. And it should not pick fights it can't win. The controversial Law Governing the Allocation of Government Revenues and Expenditures (財政收支劃分法) and proposals for a "reconsideration" of the 2002 government budget must be handled carefully or delayed.
The ruling party should use fewer slogans such as "combat cabinet," and try to seek harmony and consensus. The opposition and ruling parties, as well as the Legislative Yuan and the executive departments, should try to work out their differences. Only with political stability can Taiwan reinvigorate its economy, withstand pressure from China and enjoy prosperity.
The Chinese government on March 29 sent shock waves through the Tibetan Buddhist community by announcing the untimely death of one of its most revered spiritual figures, Hungkar Dorje Rinpoche. His sudden passing in Vietnam raised widespread suspicion and concern among his followers, who demanded an investigation. International human rights organization Human Rights Watch joined their call and urged a thorough investigation into his death, highlighting the potential involvement of the Chinese government. At just 56 years old, Rinpoche was influential not only as a spiritual leader, but also for his steadfast efforts to preserve and promote Tibetan identity and cultural
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