In January, Taiwan opened the "small three links" -- direct transportation, trade and communications links between its outlying islands and some of China's coastal cities. Now, after ten months, two of the three links -- transportation and trade -- are in tatters. Beijing continues to boycott them and refuses to coordinate with Taiwan on the links. At the same time, public security on the offshore islands of Kinmen is deteriorating rapidly. Taiwan's government hoped the "small three links" would boost the development of the offshore islands. Now, the result are almost diametrically opposite to previous expectations. Can Taiwan still go ahead and open its front door to China when opening a small window has brought such chaos?
On Monday, the Legislative Yuan's Home and Nations Committee reviewed and passed some draft amendments to the Offshore Islands Development Act (離島建設條例). Those amendments, if passed by the legislature, would allow Taiwanese citizens to travel to China -- legally and directly -- from Kinmen, Matsu and Penghu. Premier Chang Chun-hsiung (張俊雄) opposed the proposed amendments at yesterday's Executive Yuan meeting, saying that they would have a serious impact on defense and public security on the islands. The Mainland Affairs Council (MAC) also said that the measures would amount to leaving Taiwan's doors wide open Taiwan's enemies and asked the legislative caucuses to negotiate a solution.
From the very beginning, the "small three links" were doomed to failure. Pressured by public representatives and religious groups, the government was forced to set a timetable for legislation on the issue. As a result, the laws were enacted without adequate policy planning and proper cross-strait negotiations. The measures have achieved almost nothing other than de-criminalizing small-time trade between the offshore islands and the Chinese coast. The results show no convincing reason for any further expansion of the links, much less for promoting "direct links."
The residents of the offshore islands are now scrambling to invest and do business in China. Without permission from the central government, some public representatives there have even signed cooperative agreements with local Chinese governments, thereby recognizing the "one China" principle spelled out in those agreements. This mad rush toward China, motivated by business profits, has created a vicious example of pressuring the government out of self-interest. This has been the biggest failure of the "small three links" policy.
Any adjustment to cross-strait relations should be carried out only after a careful and in-depth evaluation. Unfortunately, the amendments now under review are merely a cynical election-motivated move by lawmakers. For its part, the MAC has failed to prevent this from happening. Now the amendments are already underway and the executive branch is scrambling to stop them. This is something the Cabinet should do some soul-searching about.
Certainly, the Economic Development Advisory Conference did propose the easing of the "no haste, be patient" policy and President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) did order the drafting of a plan to establish the "three direct links." But if there is one thing we should have learned from the past ten months with the "small three links," it is that cross-strait relations cannot succeed as long as it remains a one-sided love affair. Look at how Beijing is squeezing Taiwan at the APEC meetings. Look at how it has tried to squeeze concessions from the US over Taiwan in exchange for supporting the US' anti-terrorism coalition. And look at the wide rifts between Taiwan's various political parties over cross-strait policy. In light of these, any further opening of the "small three links" is certainly not a wise option.
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