Sun, Oct 14, 2001 page8

• No harm inletting Lee attack hisold friends

  • By Chen Ro-jinn 陳柔縉
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  Favors owed are probably the most difficult of accounts to settle.

  The KMT, Lien Chan (連戰) and Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) have just fallen into this account-settling quagmire.

  The KMT says that Chiang Ching-kuo (蔣經國) nurtured Lee, and that Lee used the party for over a decade, and yet in his ingratitude he attacks the party in both word and writing. Lee makes light of this, replying: "What have I to be grateful for?" In his mind, the KMT would already have ceased to exist, had it not been for his localization policies.

  The truth of it is that if the KMT really believes in gratitude and in repaying favors, then what is the harm in letting Lee fire off a couple of tirades now that Lien himself is the target of Lee who, with a disregard for his own reputation, is attacking his own protege?

  After the inaugural banquet when Lien became chairman, Chen Ting-chong (陳廷寵) called Lee a bad egg.

  Shouldn't Lien also have extended a couple of salutations with the righteousness of the chairman, in addition to accusing Lee of "misleading old and young?" Ting Yuan-chao (丁遠超) said that Lien was hurt when Lee called him a bad boy, and if Lee was called a bad egg, he would probably not feel any better. Before Lee started cussing, he had already been eaten by the vultures at every level of the KMT.

  Lee's outbursts are built on self-denying regret. He regrets that he misread Lien at the outset.

  As soon as Lien took over the KMT, he changed its policies and opinions, and then the confederation proposal appeared on the stage. Regardless of right or wrong, Lee's words and behavior comes from being true to his ideas.

  Lien's response is no more than a link in a series of reactive policies following the KMT's decision to sweep Lee out of the party.

  This is the political shadow cast by Lien: always weak, doing what he is told, lacking in ideas and philosophy.

  He can participate in an authoritarian system, feel comfortable with the "special state-to-state relations" (兩國論) model, and he can also pay tribute to the three principles of the people and Sun Yat-sen. In short, he can read his lines without missing a beat.

  At this point in time, these tactics are a good choice for the KMT.

  Lately, Lee has raised his profile too much, cussed too much, used too many adjectives. Everyone knows that the spirit of the Taiwanese people is to bully the weak and fear the strong, and that they then symphathize with the weak to save the deal.

  Lee was expelled from the party, and with a low profile, he could have had sympathy. Instead he repeatedly shows that he doesn't care, and has turned the KMT into the weak and bullied one. Looking into the facts, there is no deep hatred between the KMT and Lee.

  The KMT only has to carefully choose its moment. At present, there is no longer any hope of cooperation with the PFP, and James Soong's (宋楚瑜) prestige has taken a hard fall. Cutting out Lee was the only way for the KMT to win back the mainlanders vote.

  As far as the KMT goes, there are two main sources of voters. Local factions can use money, this is not a problem. The surefire mainlander voters, on the other hand, have to be convinced.

  Daring a vicious fight with Lee, the KMT may win back the mainland vote. The most tense part in this spat between the KMT and Lee may be Soong's nerves.

  Chen Ro-jinn is a freelance writer.

  Translated by Perry Svensson
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