The idea of a cross-strait common market, proposed by Vincent Siew (蕭萬長), has rekindled interest in and debate over the EU as a model for integration.
After 50 years of development, the EU has become a supranational, rather than an ordinary international organization. For its member states, the EU has its own independent system and institutions, and unifying laws and jurisdiction. The nature of international organizations is cooperative, rather than unifying. A cooperative international organization serves certain specific purposes but has no influence over the internal jurisdiction of member states, nor does it affect the fundamental structure of the modern international community, which is made up of sovereign states.
The purpose of a unifying international organization is to unify the territories and peoples of members. It has state-like powers and replaces state institutions in the exercise of such power within state territories, thereby inevitably breaking the rigid exclusiveness of the sovereign state's territorial jurisdiction. This so-called supranational organization changes the nature of country-to-country relations, leading to a reorganization of sovereignty and abandoning the conventional concept of "inalienable sovereignty."
The EU at its present stage is neither a confederation nor a federation, but it is quite clear that European integration has fostered a system with a considerable degree of federalism. The European Community, as it used to be called, did not have jurisdiction over foreign policy and defense as in a confederation, and the EU's precise jurisdiction is still being formulated. But the EU has a single currency and a structure of unitary institutions far beyond those of a confederation. More-over, it has a majority decision-making procedure, direct parliamentary elections, a complementary principle that demarcates the jurisdictions of the EU and member states, as well as frameworks, now under construction, for common foreign and security policy and cooperation in home and judicial affairs. All these are characteristics of a federation.
Taiwan and China do not share the basic structure or principles of the European integration model, given China's insistence upon "one China," its denial of the historical fact that Taiwan is a sovereign nation, President Jiang Zemin's (
In addition, the purpose of European integration is to establish a European federation, or a highly integrated supranational organization. Such a model is not in line with the mainstream consensus of the people of Taiwan and their fundamental interests. Due to disparities in economic structure, gaping differences in democracy and the rule of law, concepts of human rights and mainstream values, the basic conditions for European-style integration simply do not exist in the case of Taiwan and China. The European model of integration is not capable of being transplanted to the two sides of the Strait.
The process of European integration does give us a great deal of inspiration, however. There is not an equal balance of power between the two sides of the Strait, one being a large country and the other small. They do not enjoy the mutual balance of political and economic power that exists among the many EU member states, large and small. The two sides also lack a supranational organization like the EU -- nor can they possibly build one -- or its policy-making mechanisms, supreme legal and judicial authorities and legislature, etc. The two states are so different in nature that they can only seek close cooperation between their governments in order to expand cross-strait political and economic relations.
In the future, under the WTO framework, the conditions will exist for gradually abolishing tariff and non-tariff trade barriers and, under a principle of parity, signing agreements and setting up a cross-strait common market. Only then can there be a guarantee for the personal safety and property rights of people travelling across the Strait.
The process of European integration is therefore a worthwhile point of reference for the establishment of a cross-strait common market, but more consideration should be given to the unique relations between Taiwan and China. We should strengthen cross-strait economic integration through a confederation framework involving a low level of integration. Also, we should push for as much diplomatic, security and judicial cooperation as economic integration can bring about. The Central American Common Market, ASEAN, Economic Community of West African States, APEC and NAFTA -- all these organizations engage only in regional economic integration or cooperation in the areas concerned.
I agree with Siew's idea of building a cross-strait common market. Siew said, "Developing a cross-strait common market is a long road. To realize this idea, the two sides need to have a mutually acceptable foundation." But I am concerned about his advocacy of a 1992 agreement for the two sides unofficially to make their own interpretations of one China, which confuses the international community to say the least, not to mention the fact that China's "one China principle" means different things when it is applied to Taiwan and when it is presented to the international community. China will thus continue to block Taiwan's international space and seek to forcibly place Taiwan under its one country, two systems formula. We need cautiously and discreetly to think over these matters.
Dominique Wang is director of the Mainland China Legal Studies Center at National Taiwan University.
Translated by Wu Pei-shih and Francis Huang
US President Donald Trump last week told reporters that he had signed about 12 letters to US trading partners, which were set to be sent out yesterday, levying unilateral tariff rates of up to 70 percent from Aug. 1. However, Trump did not say which countries the letters would be sent to, nor did he discuss the specific tariff rates, reports said. The news of the tariff letters came as Washington and Hanoi reached a trade deal earlier last week to cut tariffs on Vietnamese exports to the US to 20 percent from 46 percent, making it the first Asian country
Life as we know it will probably not come to an end in Japan this weekend, but what if it does? That is the question consuming a disaster-prone country ahead of a widely spread prediction of disaster that one comic book suggests would occur tomorrow. The Future I Saw, a manga by Ryo Tatsuki about her purported ability to see the future in dreams, was first published in 1999. It would have faded into obscurity, but for the mention of a tsunami and the cover that read “Major disaster in March 2011.” Years later, when the most powerful earthquake ever
Chinese intimidation of Taiwan has entered a chilling new phase: bolder, more multifaceted and unconstrained by diplomatic norms. For years, Taiwan has weathered economic coercion, military threats, diplomatic isolation, political interference, espionage and disinformation, but the direct targeting of elected leaders abroad signals an alarming escalation in Beijing’s campaign of hostility. Czech military intelligence recently uncovered a plot that reads like fiction, but is all too real. Chinese diplomats and civil secret service in Prague had planned to ram the motorcade of then-vice president-elect Hsiao Bi-khim (蕭美琴) and physically assault her during her visit to the Czech Republic in March last
As things heated up in the Middle East in early June, some in the Pentagon resisted American involvement in the Israel-Iran war because it would divert American attention and resources from the real challenge: China. This was exactly wrong. Rather, bombing Iran was the best thing that could have happened for America’s Asia policy. When it came to dealing with the Iranian nuclear program, “all options are on the table” had become an American mantra over the past two decades. But the more often US administration officials insisted that military force was in the cards, the less anyone believed it. After