As a new democracy barely a decade old, Taiwan has experienced more internal confrontation than conciliation. Even after several democratic elections, the country is still riven by highly partisan politics and a lack of consensus on key issues such as cross-strait relations and ethnic division.
The first ever transfer of power following last year's presidential election did not bring about a mature democracy as most people had expected. Rather, the division now centers on political wrestling between the ruling and the opposition parties on key policies. Apparently, neither the DPP nor the opposition value the democratic achievement of 13 million voters last year.
Key to the current political stalemate is the role of President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁). As mayor of Taipei, Chen successfully established an image as a decisive and determined leader. His iron-grip crackdown on the sex industry, as well as his efforts to improve traffic conditions won both domestic and international praise. Under his leadership, Taipei became one the three most habitable cities in Asia.
Governing Taipei, however, is totally different from ruling the country. This is particularly true in Chen's case because he is surrounded by the majority opposition, which remains unable to accept that it lost the presidency.
Yet, no matter how difficult the situation is and how hostile his opponents are, it is up to Chen to lead the country on to the right track.
Given the lack of a clear division of labor between the president and the premier under the Constitution, the minority government is destined to face endless challenges from the opposition. Since Chen's administration has learned many valuable lessons from its first year in power, including the change of premier, the controversial handling of the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant (核四) and the partial reshuffle of the Cabinet, it is time for the president to reexamine his role as the nation's leader.
A political leader should take the temperature and monitor the pulse of the times in which he lives. With humility, he must tailor his style to his findings on the public's attitude. This means that while he need not suppress his desire for change or modify his ideals, he must make sure that his style matches the public's mood. As a president from the minority party, Chen need not limit his goals. He must, however, lower his voice and take smaller steps.
A smart political leader in Taiwan should realize that the mood of the people has changed. The country wants its politicians to get together and reach compromises over their differences.
Take the latest controversy, caused by a Japanese comic book as an example. It is natural and expected for the opposition to take advantage of such an issue to score political brownie points. But the government remained silent virtually from beginning to end. Chen should have seized more opportunities than merely the occasion of his meeting with exiled Chinese dissident, Wei Jingsheng (魏京生), to educate the public on the importance of respecting free speech and the maintenance of social justice for the innocent "comfort women" who suffer permanent psychological scars.
In terms of bridging partisan differences and pursuing political reconciliation with the opposition, Chen needs to use more persuasion and bargaining in the search for common ground on key policies. The extent to which political parties can work together to create a better life for the 23 million people on this island will determine Taiwan's future.
For Chen, it is time to reexamine his style of leadership. Elected by less than 40 percent of the electorate, Chen had no choice but to establish what he called a "government for all the people (全民政府)." His selection of Tang Fei (唐飛) of the KMT as premier proved to be a transitional arrangement for him to garner domestic support. Unfortunately, a series of setbacks including Tang's resignation, the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant controversy and the fledging economy have tarnished Chen's record.
It is natural for a "rookie" president to struggle in the early years of his government, even putting aside the fact that this is Taiwan's first transfer of power from the KMT. It is never too late, however, to readjust.
Chen should keep in mind that a politician does not just need public support to win elections; he needs it to govern. An elected executive -- whether president, governor, or mayor -- needs a popular majority every day of his term of office.
A politician needs to run a permanent campaign to keep a permanent majority. Keeping a majority does not mean abandoning principle. It means caring enough about how you explain yourself to get the nation behind you. But when presidents take bold steps and don't explain them properly, they aren't doing their job. The power plant fiasco demonstrates the need for Chen to explain his policies before they become official.
Chen's ability to negotiate will determine whether he should be aggressive or conciliatory in pushing forward major policies. Should he lash out boldly with new approaches and positions, or focus instead on incremental change? Is it time to run up the flag and charge, or to mediate differences and seek to move toward a consensus incrementally?
Chen should make good use of a popular demand for party reconciliation by inviting all leaders from different political parties and social groups to come together hand in hand. He should rely on "issues" rather than "image" to build domestic support.
Finally, leadership embodies a dynamic tension between where a politician thinks his country must go and where his voters want it to go. Bold initiatives that leave the voters behind are not acts of leadership but of self-indulgent arrogance.
Liu Kuan-teh is a political commentator based in Taipei. Translated by Amy Wu
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