Was it a 1992 "consensus" or a "spirit?" It really doesn't matter what was reached in the Koo-Wang talks in Singapore, but whether the "one China" principle should be recognized.
Those who believe that a consensus was reached emphasize that there was an agreement on "one China, with each side free to give its own interpretation [of what that term means]." Advocates of a "spirit" believe that no such consensus was reached. The Mainland Affairs Council (MAC) said that a "spirit" is something unilateral and one-sided, while a "consensus" is an agreement between two sides. In other words, no documentation exists to verify a consensus for "one China, with each side free to give its own interpretation."
Be it China's white paper, or the principle repeatedly offered by China as a precondition for negotiation, the principle is unequivocally "one China." In other words, as long Taiwan commits itself to a "one China" principle, then nothing is non-negotiable for Beijing. The white paper gives a very precise definition for "one China": "The People's Republic of China (PRC) which became in 1949 the only legal government of China and the only internationally recognized legal government representative (of China)."
"Consensus" appears to put both sides on an equal footing. But since it can only be achieved when one side agrees to the other's position, inevitably, one has to be subordinate. Therefore, placing a consensus in a "one China" framework highlights the fact that the so-called "1992 consensus" is simply a version of "one China" principle obtained after extensive bargaining. So why would China accept inserting the term "with each side free to give its own interpretation."
Chin Heng-wei is the editor in chief of Contemporary Monthly (
In the event of a war with China, Taiwan has some surprisingly tough defenses that could make it as difficult to tackle as a porcupine: A shoreline dotted with swamps, rocks and concrete barriers; conscription for all adult men; highways and airports that are built to double as hardened combat facilities. This porcupine has a soft underbelly, though, and the war in Iran is exposing it: energy. About 39,000 ships dock at Taiwan’s ports each year, more than the 30,000 that transit the Strait of Hormuz. About one-fifth of their inbound tonnage is coal, oil, refined fuels and liquefied natural gas (LNG),
To counter the CCP’s escalating threats, Taiwan must build a national consensus and demonstrate the capability and the will to fight. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) often leans on a seductive mantra to soften its threats, such as “Chinese do not kill Chinese.” The slogan is designed to frame territorial conquest (annexation) as a domestic family matter. A look at the historical ledger reveals a different truth. For the CCP, being labeled “family” has never been a guarantee of safety; it has been the primary prerequisite for state-sanctioned slaughter. From the forced starvation of 150,000 civilians at the Siege of Changchun
The two major opposition parties, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), jointly announced on Tuesday last week that former TPP lawmaker Chang Chi-kai (張啟楷) would be their joint candidate for Chiayi mayor, following polling conducted earlier this month. It is the first case of blue-white (KMT-TPP) cooperation in selecting a joint candidate under an agreement signed by their chairpersons last month. KMT and TPP supporters have blamed their 2024 presidential election loss on failing to decide on a joint candidate, which ended in a dramatic breakdown with participants pointing fingers, calling polls unfair, sobbing and walking
In the opening remarks of her meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) in the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on Friday, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) framed her visit as a historic occasion. In his own remarks, Xi had also emphasized the history of the relationship between the KMT and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Where they differed was that Cheng’s account, while flawed by its omissions, at least partially corresponded to reality. The meeting was certainly historic, albeit not in the way that Cheng and Xi were signaling, and not from the perspective