While September may be the end of "ghost month for the legislators," as the Taipei Times' Sept. 2 editorial observed, it is a continuation of the "ghost month" for the rest of us. As the legislators' immunity from arrest and detention kicks in, the "rotten apples" among legislators roam the streets, although their fellow "ghosts" have returned to hell.
A real long-term solution to this problem is further amending Article 74 of the Constitution, which currently grants legislators immunity from arrest and detention -- except in cases of flagrante delicto -- while the legislature is in session. While many people may applaud this article for partially stripping the previous blanket immunity, it is really sloppy legislation produced through compromises. The right thing to do is simply strip immunity altogether.
Some believe that the immunity ensures that legislators will not worry about falling prey to frivolous or retaliatory arrests and detention by elements seeking to sway their legislative activities. However, the force of this argument is based on doubts about the integrity of the prosecution and judiciary in this country. If arrests are made based on warrants issued from a sound legal basis determined by an impartial bench or prosecutor (depending on whether a trial has started), why worry about retaliatory arrests of legislators? If concern is warranted, then something must be wrong with the balance of power between our government branches.
All government branches should keep each other in check. The Legislative Yuan makes the law, the Judicial Yuan interprets the law, and the Executive Yuan -- to which the Ministry of Justice (MOJ) belongs -- enforces the law. Many would agree that the remaining two branches increasingly are becoming appendix organs, so we leave them out of this discussion. No one branch should dare to encroach on the power of another branch, because the latter would be in a position to strike back. If the system is operating soundly, then the legislators should not worry about oppressive arrests and detention. If today the MOJ groundlessly arrests a legislator, we know that tomorrow the judiciary will rule the arrest illegal and the legislature would be able to respond through legislation. Neither response would require "consent" of the Executive Yuan or MOJ. In contrast, if a legislator has violated the law, while the MOJ would be able to prosecute the person and thereby get the official involved, it would not be able to arrest the legislator while the legislature is in session without consent from the Legislative Yuan. Apparently, there is an additional hoop the prosecutor must jump over. The scale of power appears to have tipped. We can hardly convince ourselves that we have a balance of power.
Why not follow the path of countries such as the US where only marginal legislative immunity exists. Article One, Section Six of the US Constitution grants senators and representatives, in all cases except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, exemption from arrest while their respective legislative bodies are in session. It is universally agreed that this clause now entitles US lawmakers to no more immunity than other US citizens. Rather, it protects US legislators from civil arrest -- a common occurrence when the legislation was drafted.
Article One of the "Regulation of the Conduct of Legislative Yuan Members" (立法委員行為法) correctly points out that the legislature should be the "standard of moral, ethics, and conduct." However, it has become a sanctuary and safe haven for criminals.
Amy Wu is a lawyer and member of the teaching faculty at Chung Yuan Christian University.
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