In power for over 50 years, the KMT, the world's longest-ruling party, has been replaced by a mere 10-year-old stripling, the DPP.
Voted from office, the KMT is focusing its reforms on redefining values and issues, the formulation of strategy and reforming party organization and management.
Frustrated, and under pressure from disenchanted party members, the KMT's central standing and reform committees have understandably made no in-depth review as yet of the reasons behind the party's presidential election defeat.
The party chairman must bear political responsibility for defeat, and Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) fulfilled his duty by resigning. But the real reason for the KMT's defeat was party disunity.
This can be traced back to internecine struggles during the Lee era. Two distinct groups emerged from the in-fighting: mainstream-oriented ethnic Taiwanese (本省藉人士), and non-mainstream-oriented mainlanders (外省藉人士), the latter dissatisfied with then-president Lee's "Taiwan first" policy (台灣優先) and with the notion of Taiwan as a sovereign, independent nation.
Campaign workers felt the impact of factionalism and the "unification or independence" factor when this non-mainstream group threw its support behind maverick presidential candidate James Soong (宋楚瑜), throwing the huge election machine into disarray and diverting some of its energies from the conduct of the campaign. It also divided the electorate. And thus was the party defeated. The key to reforming the KMT, therefore, lies in ending ethnic hatred and devising a new KMT ideology.
The prospect of the KMT wielding power indefinitely was never very attractive to the Taiwanese. Under former presidents Chiang Ching-kuo (蔣經國) and Lee, politics was localized and democratized, lightening the burden of successive corrupt administrations but prolonging the KMT's life. But Academia Sinica president LeeYuan-tzeh's (李遠哲)endorsement of Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) neutralized the KMT's ability to mobilize the Taiwanese vote.
In the past, the KMT has depended largely on factionalism and "black gold" to maintain power. Recently, however, it has turned over a new leaf, putting an anti-black-gold clause into its party charter. Under the measure, members who break the law become ineligible for party positions. This is praiseworthy. But whether the party's NT$80 billion-plus assets will continue to cause rampant black gold politics, and whether new life can be injected into the party, are questions meriting close observation.
business principles
Running any modern enterprise requires first designing a business concept and then positioning the product before the business can attract customers. The KMT leadership seeks to position it as "a democratic, fair, innovative party of the people." As the main opposition party, the party must aim at precisely this form of ideology to bring it back from the dead. Whether it seizes this opportunity for revival depends on whether the concept is both acceptable to different factions and capable of adoption throughout the party.
The leadership is approaching policy revision within a framework of, "Construct Taiwan first and unify with China later." The party will split even further if its members fail to appreciate the gradual approach that this envisages. Ethnic Taiwanese see building "a humane, secure and high-quality Taiwanese society" as their top priority, while the mainlanders aspire to a "free, democratic, prosperous and unified state according to the Three Principles of the People." The continuing potential for conflict is thus clear. It remains to be seen whether the leadership's vision can truly transcend such factional divisions.
Having established clear ideals and aims for strategic reform, the party must then change its structure and maximize its effectiveness. Returning to power is the KMT's goal and demonstrating its ability to serve the people is the way to achieve that. It must, therefore, broaden its support base, and for that to happen, its strategies and platforms must appeal to the market.
Despite being in opposition, the KMT is still blessed with abundant resources and political talent, as well as administrative experience, which the DPP lacks. It is the majority party in the Legislative Yuan with over half the seats, enabling it to dominate policy making and counterbalance the power of Chen's administration. It has much greater power than the DPP had in opposition. In the process of policy development, the KMT must be careful not to further damage its image by "opposing for the sake of opposing." (為反對而反對) It must establish a pattern of healthy competition with other parties on policy making and win back public trust and support in the conduct of its scrutinizing and balancing role in the legislature. By doing so, it will give itself a chance of victory in the elections of legislators, mayors and commissioners in eighteen months' time, not to mention the presidential election four years hence.
rebuilding necessary
The KMT has decided to subject its proposed reforms to secret ballots of its National Congress, Central Committee, and Central Standing Committee members. Democratic elections will also replace nomination by the Central Standing Committee for government positions. Only with the establishment of such party democracy will the KMT's policies and senior personnel begin to reflect the public will.
After several splits and power struggles, the KMT must start a journey of self-discovery now. The re-registration of members is the foundation for its reconstruction work: Party members form the crucial bedrock of a party's public support. The party has suffered from betrayal by many "members with membership but no loyalty." This has contributed to several serious problems -- unpopular approaches to personnel management, ill-informed strategic development, overwhelming suspicion about shifts of allegiances among members to a rival presidential candidate, and the loss of the party's hold on votes. All these problems have made purging the party to break its bloated structure and the despotism of its leadership an urgent task for the KMT.
Re-registration of members will allow members at all levels to concentrate on party affairs and gain grassroots support through their work. If each of the 2,000 KMT cadres and members who hold government positions convinces 250 people into registering or re-registering, the party will have half a million members.
The party need not reduce the number of Central Committee members. As long as party delegates are democratically elected, they and Central Committee members can broaden participation and manage party affairs.
But the party absolutely must streamline and clarify the functions of the Central Committee. A simplified, flat power structure must be achieved by stressing efficiency and achievement. Division of labor on policies, campaigning, public relations, and management must be much less bureaucratic and make more use of team work. The Central Committee will then develop an efficient election machine capable of revitalizing the KMT and placing it on the road back to power.
Reform of the KMT must be practical and based on the idea that consumers come first in a buyer's market. Party cadres must shed the bureaucratic attitudes developed during the KMT's lengthy rule and offer benefits to the people. This essential, spiritual reform, along with the necessary organizational changes, offers the only means for the KMT to rise from the ashes of defeat.
Lee Chang-kuei is president of the Taipei Times.
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