Thu, Jun 08, 2000 page8

• PNTR good for both sides of Strait

  • By Chao Chun-shan 趙春山
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  The US House of Representatives passed the bill to grant China permanent normal trade relations (PNTR) while the Chinese military was conducting war games in Fujien Province. The passage in the US Congress will not only affect Sino-US relations, but also have a direct impact on relations across the Taiwan Strait.

  Although the US administration played the "Taiwan card" several times to solicit support from the House in the lobbying process, it was concerns about national interest that made the representatives vote to grant China PNTR status. In other words, the US thinks that the vote will encourage Beijing to continue with its reforms and more open policies, which serves the US strategy of "comprehensive engagement."

  That the US has linked China's PNTR status to cross-strait relations is based on the following assumption: Achievements in economic development can force China to adopt a more sensible and pragmatic cross-strait stance. At the same time, China will compensate the US [for granting PNTR] by avoiding cross-strait tensions at this moment in order to prevent potential military conflicts with US.

  We can have endless academic discussions about whether changes in economic foundations necessarily lead to political changes. It is also disputable whether Beijing will regard "territory and sovereignty issues" as the inevitable price to pay for modernization. No matter what the answer may be, it cannot be denied that as China prepares to open its domestic market to enter the WTO, the granting of PNTR status helps relieve pressure on Beijing and acts as a restraining factor in its consideration of the "Taiwan issue."

  It is wise for Taiwan's new government to speak in favor of China's PNTR status. But in addition to being "optimistic about the progress" (樂觀其成), we should take the initiative to develop a new relationship across the Strait.

  From the new Cabinet line-up, we can see that economic development is the core part of future cross-strait relations. But at present all exchanges are caught up in the deadlock over the "one China principle."

  China has emphasized that talks about "three links" will not start unless Taiwan accepts the "one China" principle. But if we carefully read Beijing's official response to Chen Shui-bian's (陳水扁) inauguration speech, we will find some remarks worth further analysis.

  When it comes to the "one China" principle, China says that it "has been adopted by the Taiwan authorities for years ... (it is) not a demand imposed on Taiwan unilaterally."

  At the same time, Beijing brought up the oral consensus reached between its Association for Relations across the Taiwan Strait (ARATS, 海協會) and the Strait Exchange Foundation (海基會) in 1992, whereby that "both China and Taiwan remain committed to the one China principle." This response implies that Beijing would authorize ARATS to have talks with the "groups or individuals authorized by the new government" as long as Taiwan returns to that point by maintaining the consensus.

  Chen's appointment of officials from the former KMT government to facilitate a peaceful transfer of power was in the interest of the whole country. But Chen should keep the good policies of the old administration and get rid of the bad. We should also learn from experience and his-tory.

  For example, one urgent task of the government is to examine the political language used in cross-strait relations in the past and decide what terms should be preserved and what terms to discarded.

  We hope that Taipei and Bei-jing can set aside their preconceptions against each other and start dialogue immediately. Deng Xiaoping (鄧小平) once said "we should first do our job well" when he expressed his views about the Taiwan issue. Deng hit the nail on the head.

  What China and Taiwan should do at this moment is to compete, peacefully, in improving their own domestic affairs. The most important thing for now is to enhance mutual understanding by providing correct information to the people of both sides. For example, the peaceful transition of power in Taiwan should not be simply interpreted in China as "disputes about independence and reunification." Neither should China's expectations about reunification be defined as "hegemonial thinking." Only with internal consensus reached by offering correct information to people can Taiwan and China improve their mutual understanding.

  It was good news for both Beijing and Taipei that the House of Representatives passed the PNTR legislation. Taiwan should embrace this new business opportunity to open a new page in cross-strait relations.

  We would like to see Sino-US relations develop some stability. At the same time, we also hope that Taiwan's new government can establish its own foreign policy guidelines and goals while taking into consideration the development of Sino-US relations.

  Taiwan should consider sharing mutual benefits with the US, rather than submitting to US interests. After the US has formally awarded PNTR status to China and both sides of the Strait have entered the WTO, Beijing and Taipei authorities should identify their common interests and further narrow the gap through mutually beneficial exchanges.

  As the exchanges grow, the dispute over "one China" will perhaps disappear one day.

  Chao Chun-shan is a professor at the Graduate Institute of East Asian Studies of National Chengchi University.
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