First-class statesmanship is not a prerequisite for becoming a successful revolutionary. But a successful reformer has to be an outstanding statesman, because a reformer needs to understand -- more than a revolutionary does -- how to maneuver with social forces. He also needs to be an adept in the control of societal transformations. In this respect, reforming the KMT is not only an unbearable burden for Lien Chan (
After its miserable defeat in the presidential election, the KMT is somewhat like a rat crossing the street, with everyone chasing after it with a big stick. While we ourselves have put a spotlight on KMT corruption, it is unfair to tar the whole party with the same brush. The party's real problems are structural. The KMT has many able, clean technocrats, but unfortunately the party machine is rotten at the lower levels and lacks agreed goals. Reactionary ideologies and an anti-democratic party structure have given rise to serious internal schisms and carried the party away from social realities, making the KMT's defeat inevitable.
Before remaking itself into an election-savvy, democratic party, the KMT first needs to establish its own internal democracy -- with the legislative caucus which is, after all, on the political front line, playing a leading role. The KMT, however, faces some extremely tough obstacles in this regard.
Direct election of the party chairman by the membership seems very much in the spirit of a democratic party. However, the KMT was set up as a revolutionary party and there are vast differences between Taiwan's social makeup and the KMT's membership -- where mainlanders, many of them extremely conservative, far outnumber Taiwanese. A leader selected by party members will almost certainly be at odds with majority public opinion. There is, therefore, a major incongruity between democratic politics and the KMT's own internal democracy.
Normally, legislators should be the standard bearers for democratic politics. Unfortunately, Taiwan's Legislative Yuan is the command center of politics of the "black gold" variety. The negative public image of KMT legislators was a major factor in the KMT's election defeat. How can the Legislative Yuan, itself in dire need of reform, play the role of a reformer?
Reforming the KMT will involve two major forces within the party. One is the pro-Lien Chan force consisting mainly of mainlanders. The other is the pro-Lee Teng-hui (
No wonder the party's proposed reforms have so far boiled down to little more than sloganeering, when hardly anyone believes the party stands any chance of success.
Such cynicism leaves the party like a slowly sinking ship that will need some time to go completely underwater. In the process, the DPP and the People First Party (PFP) may split the KMT between them, with local groups running over to the DPP and mainlander groups taking refuge in the PFP.
James Soong (
Lien has said the KMT's reforms will definitely succeed, but this is optimistic rhetoric only. The key question remains: Is Lien a reformer? Does he have not only the will, but also the skill? It is hard not to be skeptical.
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