Fri, Mar 31, 2000 page12

• Editorial: The 'father' and 'son' reunion

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  Yesterday, President Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) met with his elected successor Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) for the first time since the March 18 election. It was almost like a father-son meeting, with one being hailed as "the father of Taiwan's democratic reforms" and the other "a true native son of Taiwan." In fact, the meeting revealed as much about party politics with a Taiwanese flavor as about the historic transition of power.

  When Lee first became president 12 years ago, many in the KMT's old guard saw him as a usurper of power. Smelling an illicit affair between Lee and the DPP, they accused Lee of holding one-and-a-half chairmanships -- one at the KMT and half at the DPP. Still others described him as being the KMT chairman by day and DPP chairman by moonlight. When Lee promised to establish a democratic system to ensure a peaceful transition of power, many suspected he planned to transfer power to the DPP. Ironically, these suspicions have now become a self-fulfilling prophecy, with the KMT contributing massively to the realization by way of the party's internal schism.

  In fact, Lee has never sincerely identified with the KMT. It was quite an astonishing turn of history that a man with a secret contempt for his own party became its chairman.

  One of the most salient differences between Lee and his heir to the chairmanship, Lien Chan (連戰), is that there is almost no KMT member or mainlander among Lee's closest friends, most of whom sympathize with the democracy movement or have close ties with the DPP. They supported Lee not because he was KMT chairman, but because he was a native-born president. It was therefore quite understandable that, during the election campaign, many of them threw their support behind Chen and the DPP, instead of heir apparent Lien.

  Lee receives greater respect from the DPP than within his own party. The joy with which he meets DPP politicians stands in stark contrast to his stern attitude toward KMT colleagues. Perhaps we can call the DPP his soulmate and the KMT his shell.

  It is hard to imagine what the KMT will become without Lee, much less how Lien, a man who is in dire need of some remodeling, can reform the KMT. Lee has now thrown the mess over to Lien, along with the party's vast assets. But if Lien is not skillful enough as a leader, the party can quickly be picked clean of all its money and properties.

  Notwithstanding its miserable defeat in the election, the KMT now wants to use Tang Fei (唐飛), whom Chen has chosen to be his premier, to demand political negotiations -- and as much power as it can grab. Essentially, this is political blackmail, even when it is conducted under the name of Taiwan's semi-presidential system.

  Instead of some soul-searching after the humiliating defeat, the KMT continues to focus on power struggles, which leaves us wondering what all the much-hyped KMT reforms are all about.

  Some say that Lee's hastened departure from the KMT has been a big humiliation for him. In fact, just the opposite is true. It must be a great relief for Lee to leave the party. Especially now that Chen is the man to carry his torch.
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