Ethnicity becomes a central issue in each major national election in Taiwan, and the Hakka vote is usually seen as a crucial factor in close races. To woo Hakka votes, KMT presidential hopeful Lien Chan has already promised to establish a cabinet-level Hakka Affairs Commission if elected, and DPP candidate Chen Shui-bian has promised to work hard to raise the social status of Hakka in Taiwanese society. Independent candidate James Soong has also tried to portray himself as a "friend" of Hakka. The status of Hakka as a minority and disadvantaged group has suddenly propelled them to become the favorite of all political parties.
This same minority and disadvantaged status has also been distorted out of proportion by the media and general public. Some commentators who adopt a chauvinistic, Minnan/Hokkien-centric attitude include Hakka in their criticisms of "mainlanders" who have been alienated from the twin processes of localization and democratization in recent years.
Another widely held view -- one that reflects the collective anxiety felt by "mainlanders" -- denies that Hakka are a disadvantaged minority, claiming that Taiwan's Aborigines are the only ethnic group that qualify. As they are as numerous as "mainlanders," Hakka should not enjoy any special privileges, they claim.
These two general opinions represent the unfriendly opinions sometimes expressed towards Hakka by Taiwanese and mainlanders. Both opinions reveal a flimsy understanding of Hakka participation in social and political life in Taiwan, the role Hakka have played in Taiwan's recent democratization, and even sometimes purposeful distortions of the truth. The movement among Hakka to promote their culture and language over the past ten years has not only raised the status of Hakka in society, but has also elicited greater respect for the language and culture of other ethnicities.
Hakka in Taiwan have never identified with any other state other than Taiwan, and along with people of "Hokkien" (or "Minnan") descent, are some of the earliest settlers to come to Taiwan. How could anyone think that Hakka people would resist localization and democratization, which are both mainstream trends in Taiwan?
Although all the presidential candidates have used the "Hakka card" as a campaign issue, this writer believes the candidates are overly optimistic about the effect it will have. But there is also little harm in the promises that the different political camps have made. The candidates will perhaps, as a result, realize the importance of Taiwan's Hakka population to the political and cultural development of Taiwan. When drawing up policies or setting up government agencies for Hakka in the future, politicians would do well to avoid belittling Hakka as a mere "minority" in need of pity and compassion.
Hakka in Taiwan may be a numerical minority, but they are not necessarily politically or economically disadvantaged. Politicians should not view them as merely a minority that require redistributive policies. Rather, the government should strive to show that Hakka are a people with a rich cultural and linguistic heritage, which is in need of conservation.
The conservation of Hakka language and culture is not only to uphold the cultural self-esteem of the 3-4 million Hakka in Taiwan, but also to maintain Taiwan's diverse cultural and linguistic assets.
Clearing up the misunderstandings surrounding "Hakka culture," and reestablishing the social position of Hakka in Taiwan, should assist the Cabinet in drawing up the mandate for the Hakka Affairs Commission that is soon to be created. It should also have a palpable effect in increasing the social standing of Hakka in Taiwan and promoting the development of all ethnic groups in Taiwan.
Michael Hsiao is a research fellow at the Institute of Sociology, Academia Sinica.
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