The government's capability was greatly criticized by the public in the wake of the 921 earthquake. Although the main political leaders arrived in the disaster-stricken regions almost immediately, giving the appearance that the government was indeed prompt in its reaction, it was an event that cannot be placed on par with the Taiwan people's abundant vitality.
The situation contrasts greatly with that on the mainland.
The 50th anniversary of the People's Republic of China displayed the power of the party and state, but it was an event in which the people's vitality was not detected. To thoroughly utilize social power so as to carry out the goals of national development was once China's great achievement, but during the process, the state suppressed and throttled social vitality.
As a result, the Chinese state today is one of highly focused political power, but without the benefit of social power. Its authoritarian rule stems not from the will of the people, but from its role as a provider of national sovereignty, a functioning economy and some degree of social security.
At the present time, however -- national sovereignty aside -- serious crises exist in the industrial and financial sectors and society, in terms of public order and unemployment, not to mention environmental concerns. If China refuses to reform its political system substantially, it will certainly not be able to face the challenges of the next century.
In recent years, China has begun to allow grass-roots village and borough elections, to reinforce education ruled by law, carry out administrative reform and the training of public servants, to strengthen parliamentary functions, to ease up restraints against the expression of private political views, and prohibit those in the military from engaging in business -- to bring it back under control.
Yet these reforms, like the extinction of the foot-binding system, will only be significant under the premise that China is capable of being reformed.
If China's party power is greater than all, then there will never be a day in which the judiciary becomes independent, and so talk of real law and order will be pointless.
The grass-roots elections, controlled by the local party cadres, are a farce. If the the National People's Congress is appointed by the state, how then can parliamentary function be strengthened?
What significance can there be to the relinquishing of central power, when that power is given up to merely strengthen local party cadres?
The fact that China is afraid of reform is partially because of the fact that among themselves, there is no common consensus towards the direction that future developments should take.
And more importantly, Chinese leaders can only seek survival in conflicts where everyone lacks a sense of security, a situation in which nobody dares to make long-term commitments.
Besides, with Gorbachev's past example serving as a warning, nobody wants to take the risk of major, sweeping reforms. Premier Zhu Rongji's (
China is not a democracy and will never gravitate towards the Taiwanese political model. The state's only interaction with Taiwan is one of bullying, and its threats of military force makes China nothing more than a bandit.
Indonesia's Sukarno did not take advantage of the country's period of economic prosperity and seize the chance of political reform. When economic crisis wracked the country, its effects led to social and political unrest, ultimately forcing Sukarno out of power. But in the process, Indonesia also lost unity.
China should not waste such a similar opportunity, because if economic conditions should turn, hope for reform will become an impossibility.
Antonio Chiang is the publisher and editor in chief of the Taipei Times.
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