The execution of eight convicted criminals last night was perhaps the most contemptible episode in Taiwan's recent judicial history since the ruling KMT stopped routinely murdering its opponents in the mid-1980s.
Perhaps few people will agree with this newspaper if they know that one of the executed was the notorious rapist and murderer Chen Chin-hsing (
It is not that innocent men died last night -- though the irrevocability of the death penalty always makes this a worrying possibility. And while this newspaper does not support the retention of capital punishment in Taiwan's judicial system, it is not the executions themselves that disgust. Rather it is that men should die -- whatever they might have done -- for the sake of political expediency and to avoid embarrassing the government. For the ugly truth about yesterday's executions is this: they disposed of all but three of the remaining convicts sitting on death row who had been handed their fate under the notorious "bandit law" -- the Act for the Control and Punishment of Banditry (
Regular readers of this newspaper will be aware of the controversy that exists over this law. In brief, it was passed in China in 1944 during a period of wartime and great internal strife as a catch-all measure against a bizarre litany of offences, many of which were extremely ill-defined. The law contained a sunset clause, meaning that it had to be renewed every year by the legislature. In 1957 this sunset clause was removed. Legal scholars now argue that at least four times in the period between 1944 and 1957 the law was not renewed in time. This meant that it lapsed; that the legislature might have subsequently gone through the motions of renewing it means nothing since, constitutionally, the law was no longer in existence. Arguably, therefore, any convictions made under the law since the first time it lapsed, in 1945, are invalid and should be overturned.
This is not to say that Chen Chin-hsing and the seven others should have been freed. Rather that they should have been prosecuted under other parts of the criminal code. But their execution frees the government -- in the most cynical way -- from a major potential embarrassment; namely, what to do with people convicted under the bandit law if the legislature, now researching the matter, confirms the general consensus among legal scholars that the law is not valid.
Cynical and opportunistic as the government's attitude was, however, three men convicted under the bandit law remain on death row. This is not a sign of leniency, but rather a different sort of callousness. The three are the Hsichih Trio, young men convicted of murder on the confessions they say were forced from them and on evidence so flimsy that Taiwan's prosecutor general himself pleaded their case at appeal. That these three, who have been awaiting execution since 1991, did not meet their quietus last night suggests that even Minister of Justice Yeh Chin-feng (
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
The National Development Council (NDC) on Wednesday last week launched a six-month “digital nomad visitor visa” program, the Central News Agency (CNA) reported on Monday. The new visa is for foreign nationals from Taiwan’s list of visa-exempt countries who meet financial eligibility criteria and provide proof of work contracts, but it is not clear how it differs from other visitor visas for nationals of those countries, CNA wrote. The NDC last year said that it hoped to attract 100,000 “digital nomads,” according to the report. Interest in working remotely from abroad has significantly increased in recent years following improvements in