Since former Taiwan Provincial Governor James Soong (宋楚瑜) announced his candidacy for the presidency, at least two of his right-hand men have been targeted for removal from their positions in KMT-owned businesses. Former provincial government Secretary-general Tsai Chung-hsiung (蔡鐘雄) is stepping down as president of Taiwan Life Insurance Co Ltd (台灣人壽), and former provincial government spokesperson Chin Ching-sheng's (秦金生) position as the president of First Commercial Bank Capital Management Co Ltd (第一銀行投資顧問公司) appears to be in grave danger as well.
The Soong camp has condemned these removals as "political oppression." However, both Tsai and Chin reaped tremendous benefits and gains through political favors and privileges in the past. Stripping these privileges from Tsai and Chin may at most be characterized as a move made in a political struggle. They certainly do not in any way resemble political oppression.
Before Soong left the provincial governor office, Soong made "arrangements" for his confid-ants. Tsai took the seat of Taiwan Life Insurance Co Ltd president. Former provincial government Deputy Secretary-general Ma Chieh-ming (馬傑明) took the office of Taiwan Navigation Co Ltd (台灣航運) president. Chin of course took the seat of First Commercial Bank Capital Management Co Ltd president.
What made these high-ranking provincial government officials, who already receive government retirement pensions, qualified to head these business enterprises? The answer is that all these enterprises are owned and operated by the provincial government. These positions were granted to retiring provincial government officials as rewards for their services. In other words, these positions were granted as privileges, instead of being the result of hard work.
If we truly want to recount examples of political oppression, there are plenty of genuine examples. Former legislator Lu Hsiu-yi (
Labeling those whose long-held perks and privileges have been taken away as victims of political oppression constitutes the greatest insult to the many freedom fighters who served jail-terms under the past totalitarian regime.
The KMT is very wealthy and, therefore, owns and operates many interlinking businesses that are semi-public and semi-private in nature. The provincial government's numerous and huge investments are part and parcel of this network. Besides providing career opportunities as rewards to retired officials, these enterprises can also be used to finance campaigns.
Soong said the 2000 presidential election would be "a battle between the nobility and the peasants" and "a war between the top rank and the bottom rank" of the society. This statement, at least, has some truth.
The enterprises belonging to the provincial government also belong to the KMT. By sending his confidants to head these business-es, Soong knew that their remov-al from these offices was probably inevitable. However, he also knew that, in the event that they were able to hold onto their positions, they would be able to use these enterprises to back him financial-ly. And even if his followers did get removed, Soong knew that at least his camp would be able to create an image of them as victims of "oppression."
On the other hand, the KMT is of course in a hurry to remove Soong's followers in these enterprises, in order to cut off Soong's financial resources. Members of the Soong camp thus are being driven out of KMT-owned enterprises. However, this is simply part of the political struggle within the KMT, and should not be compared with political oppression.
The incident, though, does highlight the wealth and prestige of the KMT. The KMT's Business Management Committee (
Not only has Soong never once criticized the monstrously wealthy KMT-owned businesses, but he in fact is trying to reap benefit from them. This, however, is sufficient to prove that Soong himself is a member of the feudal nobility class belonging to the old KMT.
Lee Ching-hsiung is a member of the Legislative Yuan.
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