US military commanders in Iraq are warning civilian leaders in Washington that delays in reconstruction projects caused by red tape are putting the lives of their troops at risk and undermining the military mission in Iraq. \nFrom the junior officer level up through the senior ranks, these officers have outlined obstacles that they say frustrate the rebuilding just as much as the roadside bombs and terrorist attacks that are the more visible threats. They have argued to the new American Embassy in Baghdad and to congressional delegations visiting Iraq that certain regulations are a dangerous impediment to the military's mission. \n"Bureaucracy kills," said one senior commander. \n"We went to the embassy. We talked to two congressional delegations. We are asking for assistance," said another senior US military officer in Iraq. "We can either put Iraqis back to work, or we can leave them to shoot RPGs at us," a reference to rocket-propelled grenades. \nIn interviews and e-mail exchanges that are full of similar comments, a range of officers all across Iraq expressed the view that success at delivering electricity, water, sewer services and health care is just as important as killing enemy fighters. And they revealed deep frustrations with procurement regulations involving matters like bonds required of local contractors and workers' compensation costs. \nThe problem, they say, is the system of peacetime regulations governing routine federal contracts that is being applied in the chaos facing the reconstruction efforts. In detailed reports to the Baghdad embassy and the Pentagon, the officers described how projects were delayed and halted because of requirements to offer substantial workers' compensation coverage to local laborers, or rules that required start-up Iraqi construction companies to post large bonds. \n"It is hard to believe that we can possibly get but a small fraction of the US$1.23 billion of projects slated to begin before Dec. 31 started on time," said another military officer in Iraq. \nEarlier this month, the American ambassador in Baghdad, John Negroponte, sent a cable to Washington pleading for flexibility. He proposed 20 federal acquisition regulations that could be waived for projects in Iraq, according to four administration and military officials who read the internal report. \nAt the same time, the National Security Council has organized an interagency task force to conduct a wholesale review of contracting problems in Iraq. \n"We are looking at all of the federal acquisition regulations," said a senior administration official involved in the project. "Don't you think some of these could be modified, waived or otherwise altered to allow us to work in this wartime environment?" \nThe Pentagon, meanwhile, has arranged for a few immediate remedies to be inserted into the defense authorization bill now before Congress. One would streamline contracting procedures for projects in Iraq costing up to US$1 million, doubling the current ceiling of US$500,000 for the speedier procedures. The second would allow commanders to make purchases of up to US$25,000 without competitive bidding, up from the current limit of US$15,000. \n"Unfortunately, we have many more elaborate regulations for how we spend money than for how we fire tank ammunition," said one senior Defense Department official. "And if we didn't, people would be up in arms that we're not careful with taxpayer money. If it was a simple problem, it would have been resolved a long time ago." \nThe contract regulations were designed to prevent waste and fraud, and they are staunchly defended by members of Congress already upset with abuses of sole-source contracts in Iraq. Commanders say those concerns mean there is little appetite among American contractors to push for change: Potential bidders do not want to be lumped in with Halliburton, which holds a multi-billion-dollar, no-bid contract for services in Iraq and is under investigation on suspicion of overcharges. \nThe federal acquisition regulations cover the spending of billions of taxpayer dollars authorized by Congress for reconstruction and security in Iraq. Rather than struggle to slice through the rules, American officers often tap small discretionary funds -- mad money, in military slang -- under the Commander's Emergency Response Program. \nThose funds, US$180 million for Iraq and Afghanistan in 2004, are to grow to US$500 million in the new fiscal year in an increase pushed publicly by Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz, who has met with senior officers in Iraq and supports expanding the availability of money to be spent directly by commanders, in particular to train and equip Iraqi forces. \nRepresentative Ellen Tauscher, a Democrat who specializes in military affairs, spent a week touring Iraq last month and heard these contracting complaints raised by officers there. She said she was sympathetic to considering legislative actions to accelerate the reconstruction contracts, but also complained that the current debate did not ask why more was not done during the first year of the American occupation, when the Coalition Provisional Authority was in charge of rebuilding Iraq.
TARNISHED LEGACY: Woodrow Wilson served as the university’s president before becoming the US’ 28th leader, but his racism was ‘significant and consequential’ Princeton University is removing former US president Woodrow Wilson’s name from its public policy school and one of its residential colleges after trustees concluded that the 28th president’s “racist thinking and policies” made him “an inappropriate namesake.” The Ivy League school’s trustees made the decision on Friday, according to a statement on Saturday. It comes at a time of widespread rethinking of the US’ racial legacy. The Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement, energized by a series of high-profile deaths of black Americans, has resulted in the removal of Confederate monuments, flags and symbols of racism across the US. Deleting Wilson’s name at Princeton
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