Angry young people scattered throughout a crowd of mourners in Instanbul on Saturday, carrying placards that amplified their belief that Turkey was paying with its blood for American sins.
Some were rude, others merely said that Turkey's relations with the US should be abolished.
But as more than 1,000 Turks gathered to express their anger and sorrow over the deadly bombings in this city, the more commonly expressed feeling was Turkey's determination not to be cowed by the bombers.
Although an apparent aim of the recent bombings here was to drive a broad and deep wedge between the US and Turkey, it is not at all clear that they have succeeded in doing so.
Nor is there any indication that Britain and Italy, two other American allies that recently suffered losses in connection to terrorism and the US-led war in Iraq, are re-examining their commitments to the US.
The Turkish, British and Italian governments have all more or less pledged continued allegiance, and they have not cast the damage inflicted on their countries as a direct, negotiable cost of helping the US.
When British Foreign Minister Jack Straw was asked by a British radio station if the bombing of the British consulate in Istanbul was payback for Britain's role in the war, he called that notion "utter and palpable nonsense."
That is perhaps to be expected: a matter of political self-preservation. But less predictably, those governments do not yet seem to be facing new opposition to their partnerships with the US, although the opposition that existed has been emboldened.
"I don't see any hostility or sort of alienation of Turkey from the Western world," said Ozdem Sanberk, the director of the Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation.
"The message is going in a totally different way," he said.
The losses suffered by Turkey, Britain and Italy could, however, force those governments and the US to make adjustments as President George W. Bush prosecutes his declared campaign against terrorism.
Late last week, opposition politicians in Italy began to insist more urgently and pointedly on an enhanced role for the UN in Iraq and the swifter installment of an Iraqi government.
"The conditions for our presence there cannot remain the same," said Lapo Pistelli, a center-left member of the Italian parliament, referring to Italian armed forces.
After the fall of the government of former Iraqi president Saddam Hussein, Italy authorized the dispatch of 3,000 police officers, soldiers and civilians to Iraq, and 19 of them were killed in a suicide bombing there a week and a half ago.
It was the most deadly single attack on Italian military forces since World War II, and it prompted a heart-wrenching, tear-filled week of memorial services that hundreds of thousands of Italians attended.
But it did not prompt an outcry that the troops be brought home, even though a majority of Italians opposed the American-led invasion of Iraq. There was more public commentary devoted to the tactics of terrorists inside and outside Iraq and to the importance of not being intimidated by them.
"The 19 dead have maybe strengthened this resolve," said Roberto d'Alimonte, a political scientist in Florence.
"I think that they have been for us, with all due deference, and I ask for apologies, what Sept. 11 was for Americans," he said.
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