Charges of bribe-taking not new to legislature

While all the parties denied illicit tradeoffs during the confirmation vote for top government posts on June 21, observers note that it is not uncommon for lawmakers to solicit "pecuniary rewards" in exchange for their ballots during showdown votes.

On Wednesday, Chang Po-ya (張博雅), whom the legislature a week ago rejected as Examination Yuan vice president, revealed that lawmakers from the "pan-green" camp had offered to sell their votes.

Confident of victory, the former interior minister said she turned down the offers. In the end, she failed to secure enough votes for her appointment, which politicians and analysts had painted as a sure thing.

Chang, 60, whose politically independent family wields great influence over local politics in Chiayi City, has maintained a cozy relationship with the ruling and opposition parties.

She said on Friday that those who sought to sell their votes were not from the DPP, whose legislators were ordered by their caucus to vote for Chang and all the other nominees.

The revelations have led many to focus their attention on the 13 TSU lawmakers, the tiny but critical ally of the ruling party.

That 12 TSU lawmakers did not attend the vote until 30 minutes before the deadline lent further credence to reports that some legislators approached Chang's aides at about that time to ask for money.

Dismissing the claims, TSU lawmaker Su Ying-kwei (蘇盈貴) said it was unlikely his colleagues demanded bribes in such a blatant fashion. Political bribery, he noted, normally takes on more sophisticated forms.

On the eve of the confirmation vote, the legislature agreed to let the Cabinet's Taiwan Development Fund continue investing in a construction project linked to the Everfortune Group.

The decision is believed to have accounted for the last-minute defection of former KMT lawmaker Yang Wen-hsin (楊文欣), whose family owns the Ever Fortune Group. Defying a KMT order to abstain, Yang cast his vote for the appointment of former DPP chairman Yao Chia-wen (姚嘉文) as Examination Yuan president.

The granting of subsidies for construction works, regardless of professional considerations, is just one of the many ways through which lawmakers peddle their influence.

Years ago, KMT lawmaker Yu Yueh-hsia (游月霞) openly admitted she had received NT$600,000 in political donations from then KMT colleague Liu Sung-pan (劉松藩).

Prosecutors suspected the money was aimed at buying support for Liu's bid for the legislative speakership, as many others also received donations from the senior lawmaker.

Bribery in the guise of political donations is usually paid in cash to avoid leaving any trace.

KMT lawmaker Lin Nan-sheng (林南生), who owed his election to support from retired soldiers and their families, surprised many when he appeared at the confirmation vote on June 21.

Colleagues said Lin chose to betray the KMT because his finances are deeply in the red and banks have threatened to cancel his credit if he refused to cooperate with the ruling camp.

Bank loans in the absence of sufficient collateral are another kind of time-honored political bribery with which elected officials augment their wealth. It is said many elected officials are able to force financial institutions to grant them such loans.

"Politically cautious and astute, Chang would not make unfounded charges in light of their potential fallout," PFP lawmaker Lin Yu-fang (林育方) said. "The authorities had better probe into the matter if they are serious about the battle against graft and corruption."