Print

Mail

wiki links

US commitment to Taiwan remains firm

Saturday, Apr 06, 2002, Page 2

File photo of Peter Brookes, US Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Asian and Pacific Affairs. PHOTO: COURTESY OF US DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE

Taipei Times: Mister Secretary, the Bush administration last April agreed to sell Taiwan up to eight diesel submarines, even though the US has not made any diesel subs in more than 40 years. A team from Washington will soon present the Taiwan military with options for the subs. Could you give us an idea of what Washington might have in mind for the vessels, and how it will get them designed and built?

Peter Brookes: As you know, President [George W.] Bush made a commitment to Taiwan to help procure diesel submarines. The commitment was made in earnest and we intend to deliver on it. Right now, we have a number of viable options from industry that have been proposed to us, and we are actually in the process of reviewing those proposals, and we'll be presenting those to Taiwan in the near future. But, we have not made any final decision.

TT: Has Taipei given any assurance that it will buy the subs, or can afford them? Any possibility of one or more of them being built in Taiwan? And, what's the current estimated price tag?

Brookes: It wouldn't be productive to discuss the specifics of those proposals until we have had a chance to evaluate them and then present them to Taiwan. Clearly we want Taiwan to have diesel-electric submarines, and that is implicit in the president's decision to help Taiwan procure them.

TT: Could you update us on the progress of the sale of the four Kidd-class destroyers also agreed to last April? Does the administration now see these destroyers as an alternative to Taiwan's request for AEGIS-equipped Arleigh-Burke class destroyers, or as an interim measure?

" The TRA states clearly that any attempt to change Taiwan's status by other than peaceful means would be of grave concern to the US and a threat to peace and stability in the Western Pacific. The war on terrorism changed neither our position nor our commitment.

-- Peter Brookes, US Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Asian and Pacific Affairs

Brookes: We have approved -- in principle -- the possible sale of these to Taiwan. We're actually waiting for a formal request from Taiwan on their purchase. We feel these ships would provide Taiwan with important naval capability, such as anti-submarine warfare capability. We continually review and assess Taiwan's defense needs as required under the Taiwan Relations Act, a process the Bush administration has made more systematic and rationalized last April, but I don't want to speculate on what future assessments might include.

TT: Last April, President Bush dropped the annual arms-sales talks with Taiwan in favor of dealing with Taiwan arms sales as with any other country, on a case-by-case basis. Since then, no major sales agreements have been reached or announced. Does this mean that efforts in the future will be devoted to implementing the arms sales agreements made so far? Or is there still the possibility that Washington might agree soon to sell weapons systems it has so far rejected, such as the AEGIS, the Pac-3 missile defense system, the high-speed, anti-radiation missiles that can knock out enemy radar, Apache helicopters and M1 tanks? Any other new requests pending?

Brookes: I think it's very important to make sure that we make available to Taiwan the right defense articles, defense services that provide for Taiwan's self-defense. It's even more important, if possible, that these be used jointly among the services to the full extent of their capability. We take very seriously our responsibility under the Taiwan Relations Act to make available to Taiwan defense articles and services that can enable it to maintain a sufficient self defense capability, and the TRA outlines our approach to arms sales.

Along with the arms package that was approved in April 2001, the president directed the establishment of a new process for normal, routine consideration of Taiwan's requests for defense articles and services. This normal approach mirrors the process the United States employs around the world. Since 1982, Taiwan has submitted formal requests for defense articles and services in annual talks. Taiwan is now able to submit requests throughout the year like all other security assistance customers. As a result, we no longer require annual arms sales talks, but we intend to continue a close and effective dialogue with the Taiwan side.

TT: Several people in Washington and in the defense department have expressed concern over the Taiwan military's capabilities and competence in many areas, saying that its military organization, communications, logistics and even its front-line troops are not up to fighting a war with the mainland. As a result, many have argued against selling Taiwan such advanced items as the AEGIS destroyers. What is your view, and the current view of the Pentagon, on that?

Brookes: My view is that Taiwan has a very capable military. Moreover, Taiwan is in the process of undertaking some very important reforms of its defense establishment to meet the challenges of the 21st century. This reform, as you know, includes strengthening civilian control of the military, rationalizing the military acquisition process and increasing joint use between Taiwan services. I support this and I believe it will make Taiwan a more effective fighting force.

TT: The Quadrennial Defense Review issued last year calls for an enhanced US military presence in East Asia, including greater air cover, in an apparent strategic shift toward a more central role for Asia in US strategic planning. In fact, a Pentagon-sponsored Rand report last year recommended US access to airfields and ports in the Philippines and southern Ryukyu islands, to allow US forces to intercede rapidly in any crisis in the Strait. How will this affect Taiwan's role, and the role of the tensions in the Taiwan Strait, in America's East Asia planning?

Brookes: We are focusing our military on capabilities rather than specific threats. This is called the capabilities-based approach. This approach focuses more on how an adversary might fight rather than specifically who the adversary might be, or where the war might occur. Missile defense is a perfect example of this. Additionally, the US is seeking more access and contingency-basing operations in the Asia-Pacific region and beyond, as well as increasing aircraft carrier battle group presence in the Western Pacific.

Moreover, we are also exploring options to have three to four additional surface combatants in the region, in the Western Pacific, and guided missile submarines to improve our forward deterrent posture. These changes mean a US presence in Asia that will be more capable, more flexible, and able to respond more quickly and capably when we need it.

TT: In view of Sept. 11 and the growing concern over terrorism in East Asia and the inclusion by President Bush of North Korea in the "axis of evil," has US concern over the situation in the Strait receded in the face of growing concerns over, say, the Philippines or Indonesia?

Brookes: Our security policy in the Asia-Pacific region is based above all else on our treaty and defense obligations. We have active treaties with Japan, Korea, the Philippines, Thailand, and Australia. These are the cornerstones of our presence in Asia-Pacific, and are complemented by numerous friendships and partnerships we have with other nations in the region. We also have an active security commitment to Taiwan under the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act.

The TRA states clearly that any attempt to change Taiwan's status by other than peaceful means would be of grave concern to the US and a threat to peace and stability in the Western Pacific. The war on terrorism changed neither our position nor our commitment. The Taiwan Relations Act remains the firm foundation of US policy toward Taiwan.

Its premise is that as long as fundamental differences remain between Taiwan and Beijing, Taiwan will require an adequate self defense capability to maintain peace and security in the Western Pacific.

The TRA states clearly that any attempt to change Taiwan's status by other than peaceful means would be of grave concern to the US, and a threat to the peace and stability of the Western Pacific.

As President Bush has said, the United States is committed to do whatever it takes to help Taiwan defend itself. Our position is clear: We don't support unilateral change in the status quo and we expect Taiwan's future to be determined peacefully and mutually agreeably.

TT: There seem to have been a substantial upgrading of the military-to-military contacts and relations between Taipei and Washington since the beginning of the Bush administration, culminating in the recent so-called "military summit" in Florida in which Taiwan's defense minister Tang Yiao-ming (湯曜明) met with Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz and other officials. Beijing has strongly condemned this. Is America's policy, indeed, to improve military relations, perhaps leading to greater communications and interoperability between the two?

Brookes: Taiwan faces numerous challenges as does any military as it modernizes and reforms its defense establishment. The United States holds defense conversations with many nations. Taiwan is one of them.

The exchanges that we have with Taiwan, which are consistent with the Taiwan Relations Act, enhance our mutual ability to assess Taiwan's self defense capabilities and provides Taiwan with the arms and services it needs for self defense.
This story has been viewed 3945 times.