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Restless DPP ponders its place in the middle

"It is time the DPP quit the strategy or it will risk being marginalized on the nation's political stage."

Hsu Jung-shu, DPP legislative whip

Faced with competition from all sides, the DPP has questioned the wisdom of staying low-key in the wake of the transition of power, fearing continued restraint may dampen its dynamism.

Last Tuesday, the party's legislative caucus passed a resolution to set up a task force devoted to studying the desirability of downsizing the legislature, among other planned reforms.

The issue, broached by the ruling party on the campaign trail of the legislative elections last December, was later adopted by its ally, the TSU, which has shown more activism in pushing for its fulfillment.

"The idea is the DPP's brainchild," DPP legislative whip Hsu Jung-shu (許榮淑) said earlier this week.

"Only we have conceded the initiative to the Cabinet, which is mulling measures to overhaul election rules as part of the effort to remake the government."

To help preserve stability, the DPP, which has fought hard to revamp the political establishment since its birth in 1986, has imposed a gag rule on its contentious members, if only informally.

"Now that we are no longer in the opposition," said DPP legislative leader Ker Chien-ming (柯建銘), "we have to be more cautious and pragmatic when weighing public policy."

Itching for more

Recently, an increasing number of DPP lawmakers have grown restless, noting that their TSU colleagues have dominated the political limelight, though they only have 13 seats in the legislature.

DPP legislators Lin Yu-sheng (林育生) and Tang Hou-sheng (湯火聖) called a news conference yesterday to pan the TSU for seeking to expand its muscle at the expense of sapping the DPP.

In recent weeks, the TSU has proposed bills to halve the legislature, disqualify citizens born outside of Taiwan from running for president and make Hokkien an official language.

It is also pushing for legal reforms that would require President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) to deliver a state of the nation address to the legislature and postpone allowing local chipmakers to invest in China.

Those proposals, despite their dim prospects of being adopted, have succeeded in drawing significant media attention to the party.

Meanwhile, the opposition KMT and PFP have repeatedly made headlines by picking on new Cabinet officials, particularly Minister of Economic Affairs Christian Tsung (宗才怡), during interpellation sessions.

Next week, KMT lawmaker Huang Teh-fu (黃德福) plans to introduce a bill to rename Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall as President Memorial Hall, which would expand its exhibitions to include the documents and belongings of all late presidents.

By contrast, the ruling caucus continues to give its top priority to passively defending the Chen administration.

"It is time the DPP quit the strategy or it will risk being marginalized on the nation's political stage," Hsu said.

She noted that nearly all TSU bills were copied from her party's platform.

Without an outright majority, the DPP, though having replaced the KMT as the largest party in the legislature, has shunned tough-sounding speeches, in stark contrast to its past practices.

Before taking power in May 2000, the party showed no trepidation standing up to the then majority KMT when promoting its policy goals.

"As the ruling party, the DPP has no choice but to move toward the center of the spectrum so it can take care of the largest number of people possible," Ker said.

The party is divided on how best to restore its vitality, though agreeing to the need for reform.

Pessimists vs Optimists

Pessimistic members such as Lin Chong-mo (林重謨) and Trong Tsai (蔡同榮) suggest abandonment of the party's so-called middle-of-the-road policy, saying it is a euphemism for ambiguity.

"Though controversial, all TSU proposals have been able to strike sympathy with a sizable number of people," Lin said. "The phenomenon suggests the DPP should adhere to its founding platform in addressing such thorny issues as cross-strait ties."

Like the TSU, Lin and his allies frown on the government's planned approval for the high-tech sector to set up eight-inch water plants in China.

"It seems to me that former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) demonstrates more resolve and prowess than Chen when dealing with Beijing," Lin added, predicting that the TSU may attract supporters from his party.

Fellow lawmaker Hong Chi-chang (洪奇昌) dismissed the apprehension as unwarranted.

"It takes a long time to judge a party's worth," Hong said.

"The fact that we do not dance to its [the TSU's] tune bespeaks where we stand."

He recommended a laissez-faire approach to the TSU challenge, saying he understood the young party needs the spotlight to assert its existence.

In a similar vein, Ker said that ties between the DPP and the TSU feature both competition and cooperation.

He threw his support behind the centrist tilt, believing that voters gained will more than compensate for any supporters who are lost.
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