Taipei Times: You put forward a concrete proposal for resolving the cross-strait problem, in which both sides will need to make an equal number of concessions. Can you elaborate on your proposal?
Steven Tsang (
As far as Taiwan is concerned, actual independence is not a practical option. The people of Taiwan should have every right under the principle of self-determination to choose their future, including independence. But political reality suggests that it is not a practical option because the minute Taiwan declares independence, China will start using force. Therefore, giving up the option of independence is actually not giving up very much.
This also applies to China. China maintains that it must retain the right to use force to resolve the Taiwan issue because it worries that if it gives up that right, Taiwan will declare independence. So the use of force is specifically meant to prevent Taiwan from becoming independent.
This leaves a number of choices. If Taiwan enters negotiations and agrees not to declare independence as long as negotiations continue, and China then agrees that as long as the negotiations continue China will not use force, then we have some kind of basis on which we can negotiate for some kind of future.
For China to agree to this, the two will have to pursue a common future under a general framework of "one China." But what that "one China" should be is a matter the two sides will have to negotiate.
My proposal suggests that there is no time limit for the discussions. Whenever both negotiating teams think they have a viable solution, they can take the solution to their respective electorate and have a parallel referendum.
If both sides vote overwhelmingly for the motion, which I define as 75 percent, then the motion will be carried and you have a basis for achieving a unification of some sort.
If either side says no, then the two governments will have to go back to negotiations until they eventually produce an agreement that is acceptable to both electorates. On that basis, the people of Taiwan will not in effect give up the right to self-determination because the future will be approved by 75 percent of the voters. That is the threshold for constitutional changes in all democracies.
TT: The talk by US President George W. Bush about doing "whatever it takes" to defend Taiwan in the event of a Chinese attack has drawn considerable attention in Taipei. What's your view on this?
Tsang: Again, I emphasize that Taiwan cannot expect America to come and defend Taiwan. It is extremely difficult for any US administration to tell that to the American people.
But helping Taiwan to defend itself is a different matter ... If Taiwan had localized air and sea superiority in the Taiwan Strait, which means Taiwan has sufficient fighter aircrafts to cover the Taiwan Strait and enough naval capability to conduct anti-submarine warfare and to resupply Kinmen and Matsu, [it would be very helpful].
One hundred-and-fifty F16s is a very important factor in your defense because the US can replace the aircraft very quickly from its existing stock. If you can maintain localized air superiority, then all you will need from the US is essentially either to resupply the aircraft that you will have lost or to supply additional aircraft to make sure that you have 150 that are operational at all times. That is extremely important and is the kind of support you can expect the US to supply.
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