China embracing capitalism, but trampling on democracy

Taipei Times: Despite a decade-long exile in the US, you have closely watched developments in China. Is China less totalitarian than 12 years ago?

Zhang Boli (張伯笠): On the surface, people enjoy more freedom -- they can move around and criticize government officials and policies if they want to. Overall, people also live a more comfortable life, thanks to the economic take-off. But the open-door policy was already in place when Deng Xiaoping (鄧小平), the deceased paramount Chinese leader, ruled the country. Jiang Zemin (江澤民) and his followers cannot claim any credit except for its continuation.

Today, the government is still under control of a small group of conservatives who show no tolerance of dissenting voices.

Direct elections on the town and village levels border on a sham. Almost all candidates are handpicked by the Chinese Communist Party, which can, and often does, nullify the election outcome when its favored runners lose the race.

Democracy is more than adoption of certain political institutions. It is a way of life, the reflection of one's attitudes and values. Culturally, it may take Chinese people hundreds of years to truly assimilate Western philosophies, even in the absence of suppression. But that's no excuse for the Chinese authorities not to practice democracy, at odds with the global trend.

TT: Years after embarking on modernization, China now boasts an improved human rights record. To your knowledge, is that claim merited?

Zhang: Not in the least. In the past, China viewed human rights protection as a purely domestic matter, and any criticism from other countries is considered an improper intrusion. Now, Beijing is willing to discuss the issue with the international community, which I acknowledge is a sign of improvement.

The change, however, is cosmetic in that the Chinese government shows no relenting in its oppression to liberal intellectuals and religious groups. That explains why Falun Gong, Tibet and civil liberties remain taboos. Based on my personal experience, intellectuals enjoyed more freedom when Hu Yaobang (胡耀邦) and Zhao Ziyang (趙紫陽) ran the country.

TT: What do you think is the biggest obstacle to democratic reform in China?

Zhang: I concede that lack of organization and strategy caused the 1989 student movement to grow out of control later. Without a party-like apparatus, the protesters did not know when to retreat after successfully putting pressure on the government. The DPP in Taiwan did not experience a similar plight when staging street protests in the early 1990s.

The stark contrast bespoke the students' passion and naivety, but more importantly, it highlighted the importance of an opposition party. In light of the Chinese Communist Party's tight grip on power, I don't think China is anywhere ready to witness a power transfer in the foreseeable future such as Taiwan did in May last year -- peacefully.

Unlike most others, I'm not pessimistic, though. More and more Chinese students are studying abroad. I believe that after they graduate, they will help put the country in the right course, formidable as the mission may be.

TT: We haven't seen any massive student protest in China after the Tiananmen tragedy 12 years ago. How do you account for the calm?

Zhang: The bloody crackdown on June 4, 1989, has had a chilling effect on democracy fighters in China. I prophesied back then the massacre would bring about quiet for at least 20 years.