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One Year On: Politics - Position toward China seen to be hardening
Peng Ming-min, a senior advisor to the president and longstanding advocate of Taiwan independence, spoke with `Taipei Times' reporter Lin Chieh-yu on the eve of President Chen Shui-bian's inauguration anniversary. Peng discussed how Chen had matured as a leader over the past year, Taiwan's democratic development, and how Chen plans to strengthen Taiwan's strategy of survival in the international community. After a year of stabilizing and carefully managing Taiwan's relations with China, Peng says Chen will take an approach that is closer to Japan and the US
Sunday, May 20, 2001, Page 15
Taipei Times: Is President Chen's attitude toward China and cross-strait policy showing signs of hardening?
Peng Ming-min (´^©ú±Ó): After President Chen took office, he made peace and stability his first priority. He thought hard about how to reduce the military threat from China and stabilize the domestic situation. Therefore, in the beginning, his stance toward China was very soft and submissive. In this regard, he invited criticism from many of his supporters. Although everyone has his own interpretation about whether the cross-strait situation is stable or not, at least now China can't find any reason or excuse to attack Taiwan, and the cross-Strait situation hasn't worsened. I have found that President Chen's attitude toward China is gradually hardening. At least he is no longer taking a submissive stance. I think this is related to the change of administrations in the governments of the US and Japan.
For example, when Bush took office, the US government's support for Taiwan improved tremendously and international pressure on China suddenly increased. I believe that in the future, President Chen will no longer need to maintain a submissive stance. He can begin to strengthen and express Taiwan's basic positions. For example, consider the three links (¤T³q) problem. Although this was part of President Chen's campaign platform, now there is no need to rush to bring out a schedule for opening up.
TT: What is the international strategic structure that the DPP-led government has to work on? How should Chen locate Taiwan in the "New World Order?"
Peng: Chen has obviously sensed the changes in the international situation. We should continue promoting Taiwan's bid to enter the UN to remind the world of Taiwan's existence. Recently, the US and Japan have paid more attention to Taiwan than before. We should strengthen our stance that Taiwan, rather than concentrating on countering China, will make great efforts to maintain democratic achievements. At present, Taiwan should not emphasize the issue of unification to international society. It may create a backlash, causing other nations to stop caring about Taiwan.
The Taiwan Strait is a crucial link between our economy and the world. It is one of the global economy's major arteries. At an international military meeting held in Australia this year, officials from the US, Japan, Singapore, the Philippines, Australia and Taiwan specifically discussed how to prevent a military confrontation in the Strait. Participants have reached a consensus that once a crisis takes place in the Strait, international forces must intervene to help contain it. After all, the US and Japan cannot afford a conflict to occur in the Strait.
TT: How should President Chen develop his leadership after being in office over the past last year? Compared with former president Lee, what are the differences between the two?
Peng: Lee and Chen emerged in different times. Lee put emphasis on the global view, while Chen focuses on how to attract voters, meaning how to exert his popular charisma. But I suggest Chen should shift his focus away from elections and let the public feel that he is working hard for the people, instead of obsessing over the next presidential election. He must have the courage to tell people, "Don't vote for me if you think I have failed to do a good job."
TT: How about the performances of the ruling and opposition parties?
Peng: The DPP never sufficiently prepared to rule the country. At the preliminary stages of the presidential elections last year, very few DPP members really believed that Chen could be elected. Party's leaders were later shocked when they realized that Chen might be actually become president.
Put simply, DPP leaders have not satisfactorily cultivated the necessary self-control or the discipline to rule the nation. DPP members still impulsively voice their opinions without taking into consideration the wider effects of what they say, as they did when they were in the opposition. They still don't know how to behave.
TT: Since the 1960s you have participated in Taiwan's democracy and independence movements. You were even forced to go into exile in the US for several decades. Today you have an office in the Presidential Office building, and you are a senior advisor to President Chen. What is your personal feeling about Taiwan's democratic transformation?
Peng: Taiwan has improved in form -- the democratic system, the judiciary and human rights have all been markedly improved. But the essence, some of the basic underpinnings of the democratic process have yet to become established, as we can see by the turbulence created by the turnover in ruling parties. The Legislative Yuan is the most serious problem. A group of people are using the halls of democratic debate to create chaos of all kinds. You could call it, "the cancer of Taiwan's democracy." The evolution of democracy in Western European countries has been evolving for over a hundred years. Endless blood has been spilled. Real democracy in Taiwan has existed for just over a decade.
Peacefully accomplishing the transfer of power without bloodshed is a tremendous achievement. I'm not pessimistic about Taiwan's democracy, but I am very concerned. In the near future, President Chen must push for reform of the legislature, especially an appropriate system of legislative elections. I hope that will serve to raise the level of political culture across the board.
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