With the existence of the “1992 consensus” thrown into question in recent weeks, former premier Frank Hsieh (謝長廷) yesterday said it was time Taiwan moved on to another cross-strait framework that would be more acceptable to the public.
“It’s not working ... and nearly a half of Taiwanese don’t even think it exists,” Hsieh said on the tacit “one China” agreement, the meaning of which was open to interpretation, supposedly reached by cross-strait representatives in 1992.
Instead, Hsieh said both major political parties should work toward forging a framework based on something that he said most people believed in — the Constitution.
PHOTO: WANG MIN-WEI, TAIPEI TIMES
Such a move, he said, would “transcend politics” and provide a broader base for the nations’ relations with China.
The main difference between Hsieh’s proposal, which he called a “constitutional consensus,” and the so-called “1992 consensus” is that the Constitution explicitly recognizes the Republic of China (ROC) as a sovereign country, while the “1992 consensus” does not. Cross-strait negotiators should see this as a basis for any talks, he said.
“The acceptance of our Constitution should be our basic consensus,” he said alongside a group of lawmakers, city councilors and retired politicians at a briefing held by his Taiwan Shadow Government, a non-profit group he set up purportedly to monitor government decisions and cross-strait relations.
Hsieh said the purpose of his proposal was to counter a growing use of the so-called “1992 consensus” by the government to justify its warming relations with China. On Dec. 30, President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) called it a cornerstone of cross-strait negotiations and said the opposition party should present an alternative.
While Hsieh admitted the groups who opposed the so-called “1992 consensus” were also equally likely to speak out against his proposal — which implicitly recognizes the ROC’s sovereignty over Taiwan — he said such obstacles could be overcome.
“Of course there are some controversial articles in the Constitution that not everyone agrees with,” Hsieh said, referring to opposition by pro-independence groups to parts of the document on sovereignty. “But the truth is the entire Constitution is still one that everyone uses on a [regular basis].”
Chen Yi-shen (陳儀深), chairman of the Taiwan Association of University Professors, a group closely aligned with the pro-independence movement, said he could accept Hsieh’s views, even if others likely would not. Hsieh’s effort, he said, represented an attempt to appeal to a greater number of people.
“Pro-independence groups see that by recognizing the sovereignty of the ROC, a foreign power, it would stand in the way of establishing Taiwan as a country,” Chen said. “We are not happy with the current situation ... but with this proposal, at least we can rally the majority of Taiwanese.”
Late last month, Hsieh told the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which he led between 2000 and 2002, that he hoped supporters of Taiwanese independence would align with advocates of the “status quo,” as this would be a more effective way to oppose China’s unification efforts.
DPP spokesperson Tsai Chi-chang (蔡其昌) said he respected Hsieh’s ideas, adding that he believed “looking for the greatest common denominator is a goal of both the Chinese Nationalist Party [KMT] and the DPP.”
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