Whose job is it to stop climate change? For a while, it has seemed like it's up to us, as individuals, to change our personal behavior. Witness the BBC news item this week, exposing Britons' slobby habit of leaving electronic appliances on stand-by, in contrast with the conscientious, energy-efficient Germans. David Cameron's wind turbine on the roof, even his cycling, have fed the notion that greenism is now all about personal conduct.
But we should be careful: climate change is too big a problem to be solved simply by virtuous individuals hopping on a bus instead of taking the car, or disconnecting the tumble dryer, valuable though those moves are. This is one responsibility that can't be saddled solely on activists and consumers. This is a job for government.
Which means governments, no less than individuals, have to rethink their behavior. Until now, governments have tended to dump climate change into the laps of their environment ministries. The odd speech from the president or prime minister, to raise the issue's profile, but otherwise filed under "e" for environment.
That approach is no longer, how shall we put it, sustainable. It should be obvious that climate change is not a discrete policy problem but an across-the-board threat to every aspect of our lives, if not our very survival. Confronted with a planetary emergency, it takes a special kind of bureaucratic myopia to allocate it to a single government ministry.
On Tuesday there were two signs that this penny has at last dropped. The first was word of a new climate change bill, which will create a new body dedicated to following the science on global warming and setting targets on carbon emissions decade by decade.
The second sign was a useful speech by British Foreign Secretary Margaret Beckett. She flew to Berlin to give it (adding to a carbon dioxide cloud of nearly 1,000 tonnes last year and this year alone, thanks to the 10.4 million air kilometers racked up by British Cabinet ministers and their entourages), but we'll put that particular inconvenient truth to one side.
Significantly, this was a speech about climate change delivered not by an environment minister but by the foreign secretary.
"This is not just an environmental problem," she said. "It is a defense problem. It is a problem for those who deal with economics and development, conflict prevention, agriculture, finance, housing, transport, innovation, trade and health."
She's right, with economics the obvious example.
On Monday, former World Bank vice president Sir Nicholas Stern will deliver his report on the economics of climate change, and I'm told his message will be stark. He believes that climate change represents the biggest market failure ever, bigger than the two world wars and the Depression put together. To combat it will cost a huge amount. But Stern will say that it is affordable, if only because a refusal to act will end up costing a whole lot more.
Still, if global warming is inseparable from economics, it casts a similar shadow over foreign policy. John Ashton, who sits as the UK's special representative for climate change within the Foreign Office, reckons that the fires that diplomats spend their lives putting out will only proliferate as the planet heats up. He cites Darfur, where a main cause of conflict has been a shift in rainfall, pitting nomadic herders against settled pastoralists.
"And there will be more Darfurs," Ashton said, the more the climate changes.
As Beckett put it on Tuesday: "Wars fought over limited resources -- land, fresh water, fuel -- are as old as history itself."
And climate change threatens to reduce the supply of each one of those resources in some of the most unstable places on Earth, with Africa and the Middle East first in line.
More straightforward still, if we remain dependent on fossil fuels, then we remain dependent on the countries that produce them. That leaves us held to ransom by Russia for its gas, and the Gulf states for oil. Even if global warming did not matter, that would be a hard-headed, realpolitik reason to wean ourselves off fossil fuels.
Still, more hearteningly, if climate change is a foreign policy problem, foreign policy can surely be part of the climate change solution.
SUPRANATIONAL SOLUTIONS NEEDED
It's a truism that carbon dioxide does not recognize borders, and that any effort to tackle it will have to be supranational. Ideally, that would mean global treaties, accepted by everyone, which would see the entire human race come together to deal with a threat that is choking the planet we all share. But that's hardly likely, not when the world's biggest polluter, the US, is still led by an administration barely emerging from official denial that there is a problem at all.
That means interim action, starting with the EU. Heaven knows there are ample reasons to be sceptical about the EU, but when it comes to tackling climate change, we should fall to our knees and give thanks that such a body exists.
The EU has more clout, over a larger area, than any single country could ever hope to wield. With its mighty 120 billion euro (US$152 billion) budget, it can encourage the technological innovations, from alternative energies to more efficient gadgets, that might get us out of this mess. And it can regulate out of existence those that make our troubles worse.
Some diplomats are pushing for ever closer engagement with China, working urgently to perfect the technology that might capture the carbon generated by coal-fired power stations, sending it back into the earth rather than into the atmosphere. That's especially pressing in the case of China, which is building a new coal-fired station every four or five days.
Why doesn't the EU go further, constructing a low-carbon free trade area with China, a single market for low-carbon technology? Europeans might design, say, an ultra-efficient fridge; China could build it and, with the resulting economies of scale, they could end up selling them all over the world.
All these ideas are fizzing away among those who have come to realize that no area of life is left untouched by this danger. Very smart people in ministries across the globe are trying to think of the right blend of taxes, regulation, incentives and trading schemes that might stop the world emitting too much carbon.
They acknowledge that most of the US$17 trillion that will be spent in the energy sector between now and 2030 will be spent by private companies -- and that, therefore, public servants are limited to prodding and pushing them, hoping they move in the right direction.
TIME RUNNING OUT
But a heretical thought nags. Governments are limited in what they can do because they no longer control the key economic levers: If they did, they could act swiftly. Instead, they are left hoping that market mechanisms will work their magic and that the polluters' behavior will change. But that can take time and time is the one commodity we don't have.
As Ashton said: "We don't set the deadlines, nature sets the deadlines. It's true that we cannot go back to the days of state ownership and the command economy.
Its true, too, that state-run industries polluted as badly as private ones, and were often achingly slow to change. Yet if ever there was a time when the sovereignty of the market posed a mortal danger, it is surely now.