On Monday, US President Donald Trump made his first state visit to India. Officials in Washington believe that India — the world’s most populous democracy with a population of more than 1.36 billion — is a natural ally, with the two countries sharing a rapidly expanding list of common interests.
From a geopolitical perspective, India is sandwiched between China and the Middle East — the two most important regions on the globe for the US. India is the fourth-largest economy in the world, behind only the US, China and Japan. Since Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi rose to power, the nation’s economy has been growing at breakneck speed, with GDP growing at about 8 percent over the past few years. Within the next 12 years, India’s population would surpass that of China, and in the future, its economic potential would be on a par with China’s.
China’s rise is challenging the US’ status as world leader. Washington therefore believes that the US and India should work together to contain China’s growing strength and ambitions.
The Trump administration’s National Security Strategy defines China as a primary “threat” and “adversary.”
From a military perspective, China has the ability to threaten the US, but Washington has no such concerns when it comes to New Delhi. Trump has previously emphasized the doctrine of “peace through strength” and, on taking office, took immediate action, increasing the defense budget and rebuilding the nation’s armed forces, reversing former US president Barack Obama’s policy of deep cuts to defense spending and the voluntary abandonment of military capabilities.
During the 1950s, India joined the Non-Aligned Movement, a grouping of developing nations that chose not to formally align themselves with any power bloc.
At the time, the movement hoped to become a “third force” in the face of the US’ and Soviet Union’s struggle for global hegemony. However, after India was defeated by China in the Sino-Indian War of 1962, the Indian government looked to the USSR for support and protection, and maintained frosty relations with the US.
At the end of the Cold War, India for all practical purposes abandoned the Non-Aligned Movement and pursued a “Look East” policy. This involved strengthening security and economic ties with Japan, and later embarking on a US-India strategic relationship. The overriding goal was to pursue cooperation with the US and Japan as a way to neutralize the China threat.
The strategic collaboration between the US and India was on full show when Modi held meetings with Trump at the White House during a visit to the US in June 2017. The two heads of state held a press conference in the Rose Garden, during which Modi twice entered into a bearhug with Trump, garnering positive coverage from the assembled international media.
Trump declared that US-India relations had “never been stronger.” Both leaders emphasized their intent to work together to defeat terrorism and vowed to cooperate closely over the war in Afghanistan and other areas of national security, including sanctions against Iran and pressing North Korea to give up its nuclear weapons.
To assist India with its naval defense and help contain China’s expansionist ambitions in the Indo-Pacific, the Trump administration has provided India with a wide array of weaponry. Of particular note is a purchase agreement for 22 “Guardian” aerial drones, the first time that the US has sold the system to a non-NATO country. The day before Trump embarked on his visit to India, Washington and New Delhi announced an additional US$3.5 billion defense procurement agreement for 30 US-made military helicopters for the Indian armed forces.
Military cooperation between India and the US is not just limited to arms sales: In recent years the two nations have conducted numerous joint air, land and sea military exercises on a nearly annual basis. US soldiers have also trained Indian troops in India’s Himalayan region, which aside from classroom training, also involved testing of Indian military hardware and field drills. The current level of US-India cooperation is a world away from the Cold War period, when New Delhi maintained close ties with the USSR as a counterbalance to the US and China.
Modi and Trump’s close personal relationship appears to have bolstered their nations’ strategic diplomatic relationship. Trump has many business partners in India and Modi has invited Trump’s daughter Ivanka to attend a business leaders’ summit in his country.
With the US home to a sizable Indian-American community, the majority of whom support the Democratic Party, when Modi visited the US again last year, he extended a special invitation to Trump to deliver a speech at a large rally in Houston, Texas, dubbed “Howdy, Modi!” to help garner support for Trump among the local Indian-American community. One of the motivations for President Trump’s visit to India is to reciprocate by showering Modi with the political stardust of a state visit by a sitting US president.
India is an integral component of Washington’s Indo-Pacific strategy. It will play an active role in determining the success or otherwise of the US’ strategy to contain China.
It is worth noting that in the past few years, Taiwan and India have improved and expanded economic and security ties.
It is no longer a rare sight to see high-level Indian security officials accompanying their US counterparts to attend talks in Taiwan with government officials and think tanks. It is a clear sign that the government’s New Southbound Policy is bearing fruit and has helped cement the US’ Indo-Pacific Strategy.
Parris Chang is a former deputy secretary-general of the National Security Council and professor emeritus of political science at Pennsylvania State University.
Translated by Edward Jones
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