The sham trial of Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) leader Kem Sokha is underway in Phnom Penh. How the international community responds would send a powerful signal to Cambodian Prime Minster Hun Sen, the world’s longest-serving, about his ability to continue to trample on the nation’s democracy and its people’s human rights.
After Kem Sokha and I founded the CNRP, Cambodia’s first united democratic opposition party, in 2012, we quickly gained strong public support.
In both the 2013 general election and the 2017 communal elections, the CNRP won nearly half the vote, despite systematic structural bias in favor of the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP).
Terrified by the obvious threat the CNRP posed to his rule, Hun Sen sought a pretext to crush us. So, in 2017, when I was still CNRP leader, he proposed an amendment that would bar “convicted criminals” from leading a political party — a clear bid to use the string of politically motivated convictions on my record to discredit the CNRP.
To prevent him from succeeding, I resigned as CNRP leader in February 2017, leaving Kem Sokha, with his clean record, in charge.
That did not stop Hun Sen.
Seven months after my resignation, his government simply fabricated treason charges against Kem Sokha. Within two months, the CNRP was dissolved by a judiciary loyal to Hun Sen. (In 2018 and last year, Cambodia ranked second to last in the World Justice Project’s Rule of Law Index.)
The fact that a two-year investigation into Kem Sokha has not produced a shred of evidence against him is, apparently, irrelevant, but Hun Sen knows that a party is more than its official status — it is its people. So instead of, say, addressing the abject poverty in which a huge share of Cambodians live, he has channeled his energy and the government’s resources toward keeping Kem Sokha and me apart, and pressuring CNRP supporters to defect.
Today, Kem Sokha is forbidden from leaving the country, and I am barred from entering it.
When I last tried to do so in November last year, Hun Sen issued a directive prohibiting commercial airlines that serve Cambodia from allowing me to board and threatening “serious consequences” for anyone that defied the ban. Moreover, he convinced Thailand to prevent me from flying to Bangkok, to stop me from crossing into Cambodia by land.
Hun Sen’s desperation to keep me out of Cambodia betrays the weakness of his position. I have challenged him many times to try me instead of Kem Sokha, but he fears the national and international response to my arrest and trial, as much as he fears the support I would receive if he allowed me to move freely in Cambodia.
More than 90 percent of the 5,007 CNRP local councilors elected in 2017 relinquished their positions rather than defect to the CPP. Likewise, more than 90 percent of the 118 leading CNRP figures whom Hun Sen’s regime banned from politics have refused to trade their political allegiance for the reinstatement of their political rights.
Ordinary CNRP supporters — who comprise nearly half of Cambodia’s population — also remain loyal, despite the threat of violent harassment, arrest or forced exile.
In the 2018 national election, they refused to endorse any of the CPP-approved “opposition” parties. They were not about to let the CPP pretend that the national assembly — filled exclusively with CPP members — was in any way fair or representative.
Like that bogus election, Kem Sokha’s sham trial is to go ahead. He is likely to be found guilty and then be granted a royal pardon by King Norodom Sihamoni, at Hun Sen’s request.
The pardon is critical to avoid any appeal or, worse, acquittal — an outcome that would expose the government’s deceit and force it to reinstate the CNRP. Releasing a pardoned Kem Sokha, by contrast, would support the narrative that Hun Sen’s government was right about him and the CNRP.
There can be no democracy without a credible opposition and in today’s Cambodia there can be no credible opposition without the CNRP. Releasing Kem Sokha with a record marred by politically motivated lies that provide a pretext for maintaining the ban on the CNRP would not only fail to advance democracy; it would accelerate Cambodia’s descent into authoritarianism.
The world’s democracies must not fall for Hun Sen’s charade.
The EU is considering withdrawal of tariff-free access for Cambodian exports. Others, too, must make it clear that Cambodia would face consequences unless the authorities promptly drop all charges against Kem Sokha, reinstitute the CNRP under his leadership, and hold free and fair elections.
Democracy demands nothing less.
Sam Rainsy is acting president of the Cambodia National Rescue Party.
Copyright: Project Syndicate
Could Asia be on the verge of a new wave of nuclear proliferation? A look back at the early history of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), which recently celebrated its 75th anniversary, illuminates some reasons for concern in the Indo-Pacific today. US Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin recently described NATO as “the most powerful and successful alliance in history,” but the organization’s early years were not without challenges. At its inception, the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty marked a sea change in American strategic thinking. The United States had been intent on withdrawing from Europe in the years following
My wife and I spent the week in the interior of Taiwan where Shuyuan spent her childhood. In that town there is a street that functions as an open farmer’s market. Walk along that street, as Shuyuan did yesterday, and it is next to impossible to come home empty-handed. Some mangoes that looked vaguely like others we had seen around here ended up on our table. Shuyuan told how she had bought them from a little old farmer woman from the countryside who said the mangoes were from a very old tree she had on her property. The big surprise
The issue of China’s overcapacity has drawn greater global attention recently, with US Secretary of the Treasury Janet Yellen urging Beijing to address its excess production in key industries during her visit to China last week. Meanwhile in Brussels, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen last week said that Europe must have a tough talk with China on its perceived overcapacity and unfair trade practices. The remarks by Yellen and Von der Leyen come as China’s economy is undergoing a painful transition. Beijing is trying to steer the world’s second-largest economy out of a COVID-19 slump, the property crisis and
Former president Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) trip to China provides a pertinent reminder of why Taiwanese protested so vociferously against attempts to force through the cross-strait service trade agreement in 2014 and why, since Ma’s presidential election win in 2012, they have not voted in another Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) candidate. While the nation narrowly avoided tragedy — the treaty would have put Taiwan on the path toward the demobilization of its democracy, which Courtney Donovan Smith wrote about in the Taipei Times in “With the Sunflower movement Taiwan dodged a bullet” — Ma’s political swansong in China, which included fawning dithyrambs