Rural America needs a new deal, or at least a better deal, and if it is green, all the better.
Farm loan delinquencies are rising to levels not seen since the farm debt crisis of the 1980s, from which the rural Midwest never really recovered. Nearly a third of Iowa farmers growing corn and soybeans caught up in a trade dispute with China are said to be under extreme stress, according to Iowa State University. They are the younger ones.
Rural communities are draining young people. Two-thirds of Iowa’s 99 counties are losing population and prospects as manufacturing jobs leach out of the Midwest. The Information Age jobs are not in those county seat towns of 5,000 people — they are in Minneapolis or Des Moines.
Meanwhile, we are losing our precious topsoil and polluting our rivers — killing the Gulf of Mexico in the process — as we chase ever-higher corn yields in a vain bid to cut a profit on thin commodity markets.
Iowa is losing soil four to five times faster than it can be regrown — yields and crop quality are declining because of it, which ultimately leads to higher food prices with less nutrition.
The Midwest would welcome a New Deal, and this is where it must start.
The Great Plains from Iowa down through Kansas and Texas lead the world in wind energy production. Yet the wind energy production tax credit is set to wane and expire over the next five years.
Those wind turbine royalties are increasingly important in western Kansas, where you can barely raise a corn crop even with irrigation because of soil degradation and warmer nights wrought by climate change. Wind energy technicians who keep the blades whirring are paid good union wages and are welcome residents in tiny Iowa villages. They could ply their trade in West Virginia as well.
Yet they are fought at every turn. Astroturf groups spring up to clamor against new wind farm developments, citing phony “science” of human and fowl health threats, and funded by unknown interests.
They have been able to slow or block development of new production and transmission capacity while new oil pipelines are laid near sacred Native American ground and under the Missouri River without a problem.
Utility companies, while capitalizing on wind revenue, continue to try to squeeze out small farms and businesses from metering their production back into the energy grid. They have been fighting that battle since the late 1980s, when Iowa wrote the first state renewable energy portfolio.
Moreover, our grid is not getting that much smarter, so it can ship wind power when it is needed where it is needed, but remains vulnerable to natural and computer-assisted disaster.
Wind, solar and renewable fuels, such as ethanol and biodiesel, have strong appeal in rural areas. While corn-based ethanol presents environmental challenges from growing the feedstock, it presents a pathway to new sustainable fuels production using everything from algae to switchgrass.
A fair deal does not cut out corn growers, but helps them find a new way to live amid a landscape transformed by torrential rains in spring and fall. Farmers are looking at new revenue sources as they have lost money five straight years trying to make a living from eroding commodity markets. New, regional food economies that keep local profits local are just starting to take shape, if only they could find seed money to organize them to survive.
The concentration of food resources in the hands of a few — four firms produce most of the nation’s meat, and two are foreign-owned — can be regulated or even dispersed by finally enforcing the Packers and Stockyards Act, written just before former US president Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal.
However, no attorney general or agriculture secretary has had the political muscle to actually enforce the act that demands open and transparent markets, and guards against exploitation of farmers through contracted production. Moreover, US President Donald Trump’s administration disbanded the Packers and Stockyards Administration enabled by that historic law.
Enforcement could lead to a more diverse food supply network that rewards resiliency in agriculture — and it would be welcomed. However, the reverse is happening on all fronts.
The Conservation Stewardship Program is designed to bring cattle out of unsustainable feedlots and back on to lush grass. It rewards farmers who implement conservation plans and adopt rotational grazing practices that reduce chemical use, capture carbon from the atmosphere and into the soil, and restore soil health through microbial renewal.
Yet the US Congress cut that program’s funding in half in the latest five-year farm bill. The Conservation Reserve Program’s acreage has been cut by a quarter in the past decade for lack of funds. Meanwhile, crop insurance is expanded to cover adventurism as those stressed younger farmers are forced to plant up to the riverbank to make their rent.
A Green New Deal could have cachet in the electorally vital Midwest, which flipped from former US president Barack Obama to Trump, if rural communities knew it was actually for them and not for the utility company or the ethanol traders.
The Great Plains offer the greatest opportunity to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by replacing smokestacks with solar arrays and wind turbines. It is happening already — nearly half of Iowa’s electricity is generated by wind, and the region offers the capacity to capture and store deadly carbon if there were an incentive to do so.
Taking corn out of ethanol and converting those hectares to grass for cattle can eliminate nitrate and phosphorous pollution of the Gulf of Mexico, which is destroying the fishing industry from oxygen deprivation in our quest for 200 bushels of corn an acre (0.4 hectares) that the world obviously does not want. We are growing about 30 percent too much corn and soybeans, the markets say.
We can replace lost coal jobs with solar jobs if markets are induced in a carbon trading regime. We can restore rural food processing innovation and good jobs for educated workers if small producers can get a toehold in the market through anti-trust enforcement. All the mechanisms are in place already if we choose to use them, but we do not.
The wind tax credit has to fight for its life every three to five years. The farm bill props up corn production planted in a chemical base controlled by a seed oligopoly, which generates nitrogen gas as harmful to the climate as carbon dioxide.
However, there is a new conversation taking place among old farmers and declining rural communities — that a New Deal is better than a raw deal or no deal at all for rural America. Most of us out here where the tall corn rustles know that change is in the wind. We are getting ready for it because nature ultimately will leave us little alternative.
The question is whether our politics is ready to use tools already at our disposal to save these rural byways, and our planet. We do not have to reinvent the wheel, or even the old New Deal.
Art Cullen is editor of the Storm Lake Times in Iowa and won the 2017 Pulitzer prize for editorial writing.
Saudi Arabian largesse is flooding Egypt’s cultural scene, but the reception is mixed. Some welcome new “cooperation” between two regional powerhouses, while others fear a hostile takeover by Riyadh. In Cairo, historically the cultural capital of the Arab world, Egyptian Minister of Culture Nevine al-Kilany recently hosted Saudi Arabian General Entertainment Authority chairman Turki al-Sheikh. The deep-pocketed al-Sheikh has emerged as a Medici-like patron for Egypt’s cultural elite, courted by Cairo’s top talent to produce a slew of forthcoming films. A new three-way agreement between al-Sheikh, Kilany and United Media Services — a multi-media conglomerate linked to state intelligence that owns much of
The US and other countries should take concrete steps to confront the threats from Beijing to avoid war, US Representative Mario Diaz-Balart said in an interview with Voice of America on March 13. The US should use “every diplomatic economic tool at our disposal to treat China as what it is... to avoid war,” Diaz-Balart said. Giving an example of what the US could do, he said that it has to be more aggressive in its military sales to Taiwan. Actions by cross-party US lawmakers in the past few years such as meeting with Taiwanese officials in Washington and Taipei, and
Denmark’s “one China” policy more and more resembles Beijing’s “one China” principle. At least, this is how things appear. In recent interactions with the Danish state, such as applying for residency permits, a Taiwanese’s nationality would be listed as “China.” That designation occurs for a Taiwanese student coming to Denmark or a Danish citizen arriving in Denmark with, for example, their Taiwanese partner. Details of this were published on Sunday in an article in the Danish daily Berlingske written by Alexander Sjoberg and Tobias Reinwald. The pretext for this new practice is that Denmark does not recognize Taiwan as a state under
The Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan has no official diplomatic allies in the EU. With the exception of the Vatican, it has no official allies in Europe at all. This does not prevent the ROC — Taiwan — from having close relations with EU member states and other European countries. The exact nature of the relationship does bear revisiting, if only to clarify what is a very complicated and sensitive idea, the details of which leave considerable room for misunderstanding, misrepresentation and disagreement. Only this week, President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) received members of the European Parliament’s Delegation for Relations