In January, Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) proposed a “one country, two systems” solution for Taiwan. A couple of days ago, President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) called a meeting of the National Security Council to issue guidelines aimed at resisting China.
There are seven guidelines: cross-strait ties, democracy and the rule of law, economic affairs, diplomatic affairs, security, national defense and society. However, they are too meek and conservative, and will not be enough to resist China.
For cross-strait ties, Tsai sees the Chinese government from the perspective of a civilized world and is stuck in the illusion that positivity is possible regarding the relationship. The only reference to Chinese infiltration of Taiwan is a mention of resistance to China by “referring to the actions of major democracies.”
This is a big mistake. No other democracy is under the same threat from China as Taiwan. How could the way other democracies resist Chinese infiltration be sufficient in Taiwan’s case? The government must take a clear-eyed view of the situation, abandon the “cross-strait” viewpoint, call China for what it is — an enemy state — and treat all activities between the two countries with the greatest caution.
Regarding democracy and the rule of law, Tsai mentioned introducing amendments to the Act Governing Relations Between the People of the Taiwan Area and the Mainland Area (臺灣地區與大陸地區人民關係條例) as a democratic safety net, when the strongest legal tool for resisting China would be a constitutional referendum.
For economic affairs, Tsai proposed “helping Taiwanese businesspeople in China return to Taiwan, and promoting industrial transformation and upgrade.”
This is the right thing to do, but in the long-term, Taiwan should move toward a social solidarity economy.
Addressing diplomatic affairs, Tsai proposed “joining the international community in resisting the Chinese Communist Party’s [CCP] actions to eliminate the Republic of China’s sovereignty.”
The key to a diplomatic breakthrough is a constitutional referendum. Once the nation’s status has been normalized, diplomatic difficulties will be resolved.
The guidelines also mention security and national defense, but introduce no new measures.
The Taiwan Solidarity Union’s proposed anti-united front strategy and infiltration act would block CCP manipulation of public opinion and reinstate military conscription to strengthen national defense.
In the final guideline, society, Tsai calls for “strengthening social communication, strengthening the public consensus and uniting Taiwan.”
This is an endearing slogan and given Tsai’s constitutional role, it is understandable that she must take an inclusive approach to the diversity of voices. However, as Taiwan’s mass media and educational institutions have already been infiltrated by the CCP, in addition to the toxic remainders of the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) education system, society cannot tell friend from foe.
Protection of national sovereignty must be built on a correct understanding of the national identity. The government must be proactive in its use of policy tools and the transitional justice process as it rectifies mistaken views of history, breaks the bogus idea of a “Chinese nation” and establishes a Taiwan-centered viewpoint.
The government should also take the initiative to expose all the human rights risks posed by China, make sure that Taiwanese truly understand the authoritarian nature of the CCP and destroy any misguided hopes of “one country, two systems.”
Chen Chia-lin is director of the Taiwan Solidarity Union’s policy department.
Translated by Perry Svensson
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