In 1996, a tiny village with a huge Gothic-style church in China’s Catholic heartland of Hebei Province was the scene of a tense standoff between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the faithful.
Authorities surrounded Donglu village’s Our Lady of China Catholic Church, blocking thousands of pilgrims and detaining Vatican-ordained Bishop Su Zhimin (蘇志民), who was a member of the “underground” Church, not the state-backed official Church which did not recognize the pope’s authority to name bishops.
Despite repeated appeals to Chinese authorities from Vatican officials and underground clergy, it is unclear whether Su, who would now be 86, is still being held or is even alive.
Decades on, the Donglu church’s ties with officials are now convivial, according to Diao Ligang, a local priest, reflecting a generational shift toward acceptance of the party’s authority over China’s Catholics.
“Before, it was as if they kept wanting to see what we were hiding in our fist,” Diao said. “But then we opened it and they realized there was nothing dangerous in there in the first place.”
Last month’s secretive deal with the Vatican, which gives the Holy See a long-sought and decisive say over the appointment of new bishops, sets the stage for Beijing to recognize some underground congregations. Details of how and when this process might happen have not been released.
Interviews with five underground priests and two dozen believers in Hebei suggest previously stark divisions between underground Catholics loyal to the Vatican and churches officially registered with the Chinese authorities have blurred in recent years.
The coming together reflects growing, if grudging, acceptance of government oversight by the faithful, as the Vatican pushes for a reconciliation with Beijing and many of the older generation that had expressed staunch opposition to the party are either silenced or dead.
Still, Cardinal Joseph Zen (陳日君), 86, the outspoken former archbishop of Hong Kong, has led an international chorus of conservative critics who say the deal is a sellout to the party and an insult to those who had suffered under oppression.
He and other opponents of the secretive deal warn the expected gradual folding of unofficial churches into a government system of control risks abandoning a group of “loyalist” bishops and priests, who for decades resisted joining the Catholic Patriotic Association, as the state-backed church is known, and have been punished as a result.
China says there are 6 million Catholics in the country, across 98 officially approved dioceses.
The Holy Spirit Study Centre, run by the diocese of Hong Kong, estimates that there are 10 million believers spread over 144 dioceses.
Such discrepancies have been the subject of closed-door negotiations for more than a decade between Beijing and the Vatican, which wants to preserve and expand the Catholic community in China.
The Vatican went ahead with the provisional deal, despite it failing to address some outstanding points of contention, because it feared the two churches would split even further apart, resulting in a schism that would become irreparable, Vatican sources said.
At four recent services attended by journalists, three official and one at an “underground” church, there was little that was discernibly different between those at churches loyal to Beijing or the Vatican.
Donglu is now run under the leadership of Bishop An Shuxi (安樹新), who had been an “underground” coadjutor bishop alongside Su, meaning he had been granted right of succession by the Vatican.
An was also detained in the 1996 crackdown, but reappeared a decade later, and in 2009 announced he had joined the Patriotic Association. In 2010, he became the officially recognized bishop of Baoding diocese, where Donglu is located.
An declined to be interviewed when contacted by reporters, citing health problems.
For Diao, An’s experience and that of the local church in Donglu represents hope for an end to the divisions that have riven the church in China since Beijing in 1951 cut ties with the Vatican and banished its diplomatic mission.
“These divisions are made by people who want to say they have more faith than others,” Diao said during an interview in Donglu church, built in 1992 to replace the original shrine destroyed by Japanese bombers during World War II.
“If people have faith, then they have faith. That doesn’t mean they shouldn’t also follow the law,” he said.
The church remains one of China’s most important Catholic pilgrimage sites and thousands travel there every May to celebrate a claimed miraculous appearance of the Virgin Mary in 1900.
A depiction of Our Lady of China and the Baby Jesus, a painted image of a Chinese woman holding a baby, both dressed in the yellow imperial robes of the Qing dynasty, which ruled China until 1912, hangs in the church.
Since 2012, Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) has overseen a tightening of restrictions on religious belief in China, with Muslims and Christians being targeted most.
Regular weekend classes and week-long summer camps for children at one church had been canceled by the authorities over the summer, one underground priest from a village near Zhangjiakou in Hebei said, declining to be named for fear of retribution from the authorities.
In light of the Vatican deal, he preached patience and acceptance of government restrictions.
“I told my parishioners, this is not about the millions of us who already believe; it is about those who do not yet believe. We must have the foresight to think about how to let them find faith,” he said.
The deal between Beijing and the Vatican was struck without resolution of some long-held church concerns over clerics in detention, Catholic Church sources familiar with the substance of the deal have said.
As part of the deal, the Vatican approved seven excommunicated Patriotic Association bishops ordained without church approval, meaning all Beijing-approved Bishops have now been accepted by the Holy See.
It is unclear what, if any, immediate change the deal made for Beijing’s attitude toward China’s approximately 30 underground bishops, whose uncertain fate could still scupper the accord, said Yang Fenggang (楊風崗), a professor at Purdue University in Indiana, who specializes in religion in China.
“This is a baby step and the relationship looks very fragile,” he said.
However, the Holy See’s acceptance of government-backed bishops had already started to blur the lines, as more bishops were seen as both Vatican and Beijing-approved, he added.
Wang Meixiu (王美秀), an expert on China-Vatican relations at the state-affiliated Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, said for the agreement to move forward the pope would have to call for unofficial churches to “abandon former hatred” and be good citizens.
“The eyes of the government are still on those churches that have not registered and those underground clerics that have not been approved,” she said.
Additional reporting by Stella Qiu
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.
Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, people have been asking if Taiwan is the next Ukraine. At a G7 meeting of national leaders in January, Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida warned that Taiwan “could be the next Ukraine” if Chinese aggression is not checked. NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg has said that if Russia is not defeated, then “today, it’s Ukraine, tomorrow it can be Taiwan.” China does not like this rhetoric. Its diplomats ask people to stop saying “Ukraine today, Taiwan tomorrow.” However, the rhetoric and stated ambition of Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) on Taiwan shows strong parallels with