German disinterest in Taiwan
As a researcher formerly based in Taiwan, I observe the German media landscape and its coverage of Taiwanese affairs with a certain bewilderment.
Despite rising tensions, issues regarding Taiwan’s security or the complexities of international law regarding the Taiwan Strait have not been subject to German mainstream coverage in recent years — private or public broadcasting and press alike. This is remarkable because larger parts of German mainstream media do not hesitate to criticize China, often even in an uninformed manner.
The only few pictures of Taiwan that make it into German national news are of earthquakes, such as the one in February. These images seem to make it because of their strong visual language (such as the toppled hotel building in Hualien), but not because of a genuine interest in Taiwan.
On occasion, curiosities such as the brawls in Taiwan’s legislature get mentioned, but the media does not address the political issues behind them.
I believe there are three problems regarding Taiwan to address in the German public and media.
First, Taiwan competes against coverage on the Korean Peninsula. Taiwan’s size and its distance from Europe alone cannot explain this omission. Like other global media, German media shares a certain obsession with North Korean affairs.
While US President Donald Trump, the UN, Pyongyang and Seoul exchanged threats and sanctions over the past year, Chinese bombers were flying closer and closer to Taiwan. In contrast to US media outlets or the BBC, these movements were not acknowledged by the German mainstream media.
While it is risky to constantly link conflicts in the region to one another, it could be beneficial to at least consider the implications of larger power dynamics. After all, if a peaceful development between North and South Korea were to unfold, which last year was unexpected for many observers, East Asia’s primary security concern would indisputably be Taiwan.
This is something neither the German media nor German or EU foreign policymakers seem to be prepared for.
Second, Germany tends to lean to China’s side. While it is true that on a superficial level, Germany, like the EU, has raised concerns about China’s Belt and Road Initiative, commits to the promotion of human rights and shelters dissidents from China, the German economy is more dependent on China than any other in Europe.
This is not only evident in the anticipatory obedience of German companies and industrial producers to Chinese Communist Party values and regulations. It is also rooted in 20th-century history: While Taiwanese often criticize the UK for abandoning Taiwan as early as 1950, it is commonly overlooked that Germany and the Republic of China never re-established diplomatic ties after World War II.
A stronger commitment of German politics to Taiwan’s affairs, especially on the question of human rights, freedom and a future critical discussion of issues, such as the death penalty, would certainly strengthen a European-Taiwanese partnership, which would be rooted in common values beyond trade.
This lack of commitment is strongly related to the third problem. Support for Taiwan in Germany is — if at all — commonly and traditionally only raised by the nation’s conservative circles. Progressive or left groups do not seem to see any point in openly supporting Taiwan’s struggle for human rights or its civil society.
This is a huge problem that Taiwan’s foreign policymakers in Germany could potentially address by reaching out to more groups, parties and initiatives that share progressive values and not just Christian Conservatives or economic liberals.
Simon Preker
Hamburg, Germany
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