Former Taipei High Administrative Court judge Chen Hung-pin (陳鴻斌) was convicted in 2016 of sexual harassment and dismissed from his position by the Court of the Judiciary. Following an appeal by Chen, the same court on March 8 overturned its ruling and instead fined Chen a year’s worth of salary, or NT$2.16 million (US$74,049).
Chen Chih-hsiang (陳志祥), one of the five judges who ruled on the appeal, said Chen Hung-pin’s action did not constitute sexual harassment because it did not result in an extramarital affair. His explanation sparked a public outcry.
However, it is worth noting that while the original verdict called for Chen Hung-pin’s dismissal, the phrase “sexual harassment” is nowhere to be found in the verdict. This raises the question why “sexual harassment” was not mentioned in both verdicts.
According to Article 20 of the Sexual Harassment Prevention Act (性騷擾防治法), “a person who sexually harasses another person shall be fined between NT$10,000 and NT$100,000,” and Article 21 states that offenders who use their “power, influence or opportunity to sexually harass another person will be given a heavier fine, up to 50 percent” of the original fine.
Moreover, Article 25 stipulates that a person who kisses, hugs or touches the private parts of another when the latter cannot quickly respond or resist can be imprisoned for up to two years.
Based on these stipulations, Chen Hung-pin exercised the power and influence of his higher position over his female assistant, dating the victim and even kissing her. Such misconduct cannot be handled with a mere fine, but is indeed a criminal act, in which case there is no longer any need to consider whether the harasser, a judge, is suitable for his position.
Nevertheless, Article 25 also states that “prosecution for such crime may be instituted only upon a complaint,” which causes a common dilemma in such cases. Even if the victim files a lawsuit, there might be no eyewitness due to the nature of sexual harassment, and it is often difficult to obtain evidence.
This means the victim’s statement is the only evidence available and the victim must therefore appear in court for questioning, thus once more exposing the defendant to secondary victimization.
Even if it can be proved that the accused has kissed or hugged the defendant or touched their private parts, an intent to sexually harass another must also be proved, which increases the difficulty of obtaining a conviction.
Although sexual harassment is defined in Article 2 of the act, concepts such as “harming someone’s personal dignity,” “feeling hostility” and “feeling offended” as a result of sexual statements or behavior are very vague.
If the accused says things like, “I misread her wishes” or “I only wanted to have an extramarital affair,” unconvincing as such statements are, the accused may be ruled not guilty as doubts about the person’s guilt remain and intent cannot be proved.
If the Court of the Judiciary followed such strict reasoning and burden of proof, it is easy to see why the phrase “sexual harassment” does not appear in the verdict and why the judge was only fined for “misbehavior.”
Adding the requirement to show intent to commit sexual harassment for conviction is superfluous, as it often offers an excuse for finding the accused not guilty, and should be removed.
Finding a way to avoid secondary victimization and encouraging victims to come forward to expose sexual harassment is of the utmost importance.
Wu Ching-chin is an associate professor of law at Aletheia University.
Translated by Chang Ho-ming
Saudi Arabian largesse is flooding Egypt’s cultural scene, but the reception is mixed. Some welcome new “cooperation” between two regional powerhouses, while others fear a hostile takeover by Riyadh. In Cairo, historically the cultural capital of the Arab world, Egyptian Minister of Culture Nevine al-Kilany recently hosted Saudi Arabian General Entertainment Authority chairman Turki al-Sheikh. The deep-pocketed al-Sheikh has emerged as a Medici-like patron for Egypt’s cultural elite, courted by Cairo’s top talent to produce a slew of forthcoming films. A new three-way agreement between al-Sheikh, Kilany and United Media Services — a multi-media conglomerate linked to state intelligence that owns much of
The US and other countries should take concrete steps to confront the threats from Beijing to avoid war, US Representative Mario Diaz-Balart said in an interview with Voice of America on March 13. The US should use “every diplomatic economic tool at our disposal to treat China as what it is... to avoid war,” Diaz-Balart said. Giving an example of what the US could do, he said that it has to be more aggressive in its military sales to Taiwan. Actions by cross-party US lawmakers in the past few years such as meeting with Taiwanese officials in Washington and Taipei, and
The Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan has no official diplomatic allies in the EU. With the exception of the Vatican, it has no official allies in Europe at all. This does not prevent the ROC — Taiwan — from having close relations with EU member states and other European countries. The exact nature of the relationship does bear revisiting, if only to clarify what is a very complicated and sensitive idea, the details of which leave considerable room for misunderstanding, misrepresentation and disagreement. Only this week, President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) received members of the European Parliament’s Delegation for Relations
Denmark’s “one China” policy more and more resembles Beijing’s “one China” principle. At least, this is how things appear. In recent interactions with the Danish state, such as applying for residency permits, a Taiwanese’s nationality would be listed as “China.” That designation occurs for a Taiwanese student coming to Denmark or a Danish citizen arriving in Denmark with, for example, their Taiwanese partner. Details of this were published on Sunday in an article in the Danish daily Berlingske written by Alexander Sjoberg and Tobias Reinwald. The pretext for this new practice is that Denmark does not recognize Taiwan as a state under