The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) rose to power on the back of nationalism. During the reign of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), the DPP received a high number of votes by calling on a “Taiwan consciousness” promoting Taiwanese independence.
Its presidential candidate in the 2000 election, Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁), won the race against former Taiwan governor James Soong (宋楚瑜) and then-vice president Lien Chan (連戰) by a narrow margin thanks to promoting a Taiwanese consciousness.
Tsai Ing-wen’s (蔡英文) win in the 2016 presidential election and her rising to power could still be attributed to the DPP’s support for a Taiwanese consciousness.
Admittedly, while Tsai also proposed gender equality during the most intense period of election, her promotion of a Taiwanese consciousness was still the reason that she secured a landslide victory.
This was due to the KMT continuing to lean heavily toward China and the so-called “1992 consensus,” which nurtured a sense of crisis among Taiwanese. The public voted for the DPP not because of Tsai’s god-given intelligence, but because they had to choose between the KMT and the DPP.
The DPP has long been milking Taiwanese consciousness and Taiwanese nationalism, and the party would perhaps be left with nothing if these two ideologies were taken away from it.
This dependence on nationalism and a Taiwanese consciousness helps explain Tsai’s wavering attitude toward lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender rights after taking office.
The DPP has also received support from big corporations for a long time. As soon as it comes to the issue of social classes, the DPP stands with the corporations. In terms of political contributions in the past few years, the DPP has received much more than the KMT.
According to data published last year, the DPP received NT$190 million (US$6.43 million) in political contributions in 2015, while the KMT received only NT$90 million.
This tectonic shift shows the changing characteristics of political parties, as capitalists are now placing their bets on the DPP.
It should also be noted that political contributions are no longer limited to small personal donations, but comprise enormous amounts of money flowing in endlessly.
Not only do central party headquarters receive powerful support during elections, individual legislative candidates also receive donations.
Corporate support for the ruling party is an important part of Taiwanese political tradition, and this structural issue is gradually affecting the DPP’s decisionmaking.
This was exemplified by the altercation between two DPP legislators, Chiu Yi-ying (邱議瑩) and Lin Shu-fen (林淑芬). During a legislative committee review of a draft amendment to the Mining Act (礦業法), Lin questioned the amendment proposed by the Ministry of Economic Affairs, which was also the version endorsed by mining companies. This triggered a response from Chiu, who accused Lin of “siding with environmentalists to insult DPP lawmakers.”
Reading between the lines, this implies that the DPP now stands in opposition to environmental groups.
When did the DPP become so unsightly and deplorable? Anyone with some memory of history will remember that in the very beginning after its establishment, the DPP was tightly connected to activist groups and social movements. Environmental groups aside, the DPP also used to be close allies with women’s rights, Aboriginal, workers’ and farmers’ groups, yet after the DPP became more established, it sought to divorce itself from social movements.
Back in its revolutionary stage, when the DPP was still an opposition party, it incorporated every single force that stood in opposition to the KMT.
However, during its first time in government, members throughout the DPP hierarchy acquired a taste of power. Holding power in hand, the party no longer stands on the side of environmental and labor rights groups, but rather sticks tightly to big business.
The drafting and review of the cross-strait service trade agreement gave rise to the Sunflower movement, and the DPP received public support when it was at its weakest. Building upon the steady rise of fanatical nationalism, the DPP rose to government on the support of grassroots movements.
The “winner takes all” attitude is beginning to change the DPP. The real face of the DPP has manifested itself once again in the most recent amendment of the Labor Standards Act (勞動基準法). The arrogant attitude that looks askance upon other opinions is not only the attitude of a ruling party, but also that of one which only wants to rule.
That the DPP dares behave in this way is clearly the result of thorough calculation: The KMT has run its course and the New Power Party is not yet strong enough to provide opposition.
Daring to domineer a party that rose on the back of the Sunflower movement in this way probably means that the DPP knows that it has no opponent in upcoming local elections. While talking big about transitional justice, the government is creating more injustice.
Chen Fang-ming is a professor at the Graduate Institute of Taiwanese Literature at National Chengchi University.
Translated by Chang Ho-ming
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