The real weight of public opinion in Saudi Arabia lies among its young people, an Internet generation eager for social change. Or at least, so says one member of that cohort.
And Saudi Arabian Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the 32-year-old who effectively runs the country in his father’s name, just placed a big bet on his millennial peers.
By ending the world’s only ban on women driving cars, the crown prince has upset plenty of people in the Islamic kingdom, founded on a pact between clerics and the royal family.
Illustration: Mountain People
He might be calculating that an even larger number of Saudi Arabians are ready to go along for the ride.
Will it work? It is hard to gauge the mood of a country with little freedom of expression or opinion polling, though a 2014 survey found the public almost equally divided.
Much depends on who wins the argument, because Mohammed’s promise of a more “vibrant’’ society is just part of an all-embracing reform program.
Further down the road lie economic changes that are likely to unsettle many Saudi Arabian’s accustomed to government largesse. Some measures have already met with resistance.
“My best guess is that there is a silent majority in favor” of letting women drive, said Steffen Hertog, a professor at the London School of Economics and long-time Saudi-watcher.
There is also “a vocal minority that is very unhappy about the move,” he added.
Whatever the outcome, he sees a decisive break with the Saudi Arabian’s ruling family’s past.
“The leadership is giving up the old, tight coalition with a super-conservative, fairly well-organized minority,” Hertog said.
Instead, it is seeking “more diffuse support in society at large, particularly among younger Saudis. It’s a gamble, but the old coalition has held up change in many regards,” Hertog said.
Pushback against the driving decision began the morning after its announcement — which came in a news bulletin on state media, followed by a news conference that took place outside the kingdom, at the Saudi Arabian embassy in Washington.
“The people reject women driving” was the top-trending hashtag on Twitter.
One Saudi Arabian user tweeted the shift would be followed by women removing their veils and Saudi decisions being issued by the White House.
The top religious body, the Council of Senior Scholars, commended the order, but expressed reservations about the need to abide by Islamic requirements.
“Like any society, people resist change,” said Basmah Omair, executive director of the Khadijah Bint Khawilid Center in Jeddah, which lobbies for women’s economic empowerment.
Her group carried out the poll of about 3,000 people in 2014, which found the public evenly divided on the question of whether women should be allowed to drive.
However, she said more recent work shows opinion is shifting in favor.
“Once change is implemented and they see the positive effects of it, people get accustomed to it pretty fast,” she said.
Opening the roads to women drivers might lift economic growth by almost 1 percentage point every year, adding about US$90 billion of output by 2030, BI Economics said.
Some potential critics have already been silenced.
Saudi Arabian authorities arrested several prominent clerics and academics earlier this month who they accused of having ties with foreign powers and extremist groups.
Yet, it will not be possible to stifle all opposition, Eurasia Group Middle East and North Africa director Ayham Kamel said.
Among the clerical establishment, and perhaps also the royal family, “there are going to be elements that resist this.’’
If dissenters were cowed, Saudi Arabians who had campaigned to let women drive were not encouraged to celebrate.
Starting about an hour before the announcement, and continuing the following day, some female activists received calls from the authorities telling them not to discuss it on social media.
The Saudi Arabian government’s Center for International Communication said no one “has been censored or warned about expressing their views.”
“Saudi Arabia welcomes both the enormous interest and contributions to the debate, especially those from our own citizens,” the center said in a statement.
Alongside social reforms, Mohammed has outlined radical changes to the economy, including a proposed share-sale in state oil company Saudi Aramco that might be the world’s biggest initial public offering.
And he has already upended Saudi Arabia’s traditionally cautious diplomacy, sending the army to fight rebels in Yemen and leading the isolation of Qatar.
In both those foreign ventures, Mohammed has struggled to get results, and while the goals of his economic program — which include raising women’s participation in the workforce — have been widely praised, some of its measures have proved tough to implement, especially as low oil prices have brought growth to a virtual standstill.
Mohammed wants to end Saudi Arabia’s reliance on government jobs, as well as on oil, shifting the workforce into the private sector.
However, cuts to bonuses and allowances for state employees have been reversed amid signs of public opposition.
“Economic reform is proving to be very hard work,” Hertog said. “Decreeing female driving is technically a lot easier and will win him plaudits in the West.”
Hertog said that Mohammed “does seem to have a long-term vision of a more socially and economically liberal kingdom that could become a regional business hub.”
There is a successful example almost next door.
However, “it won’t be easy —- no one has been able to copy Dubai to date,” Hertog said.
With more than 20 million citizens, and a further 10 million expats, the kingdom dwarfs its city-state neighbors in the Persian Gulf.
That makes turning oil wealth into public welfare, or achieving full employment, a more complex task.
It is also the custodian of Islam’s holiest places, elevating Saudi Arabian clerics to a status they do not enjoy everywhere in the Gulf — even if their influence is now coming under challenge.
In interviews last year, Mohammed — then in the early stages of his meteoric ascent — recalled his childhood at the royal court.
He said he looked ahead and saw two possible versions of himself. The first would adapt to the monarchy as it was. The second would pursue his own vision, like the great tech pioneers did.
The prince name-checked Steve Jobs, Bill Gates — and his near-contemporary Mark Zuckerberg, who famously wanted to “move fast and break things.”
“If I work according to their methods, what will I create?” Mohammed asked.
The world might be about to find out.
The past few months have seen tremendous strides in India’s journey to develop a vibrant semiconductor and electronics ecosystem. The nation’s established prowess in information technology (IT) has earned it much-needed revenue and prestige across the globe. Now, through the convergence of engineering talent, supportive government policies, an expanding market and technologically adaptive entrepreneurship, India is striving to become part of global electronics and semiconductor supply chains. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Vision of “Make in India” and “Design in India” has been the guiding force behind the government’s incentive schemes that span skilling, design, fabrication, assembly, testing and packaging, and
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
As former president Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) wrapped up his visit to the People’s Republic of China, he received his share of attention. Certainly, the trip must be seen within the full context of Ma’s life, that is, his eight-year presidency, the Sunflower movement and his failed Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, as well as his eight years as Taipei mayor with its posturing, accusations of money laundering, and ups and downs. Through all that, basic questions stand out: “What drives Ma? What is his end game?” Having observed and commented on Ma for decades, it is all ironically reminiscent of former US president Harry