An army “big shot” whose influence seeped across the south, Lieutenant General Manas Kongpan sat at the apex of Thailand’s grisly trade in humans, raking in an untold fortune to keep prying eyes off the trafficking route.
As the number of desperate Rohingya and Bangladeshis shuttled through the trafficking operation shot up, so did Manas’ rank in the Thai military.
However, the silver-haired general was on Wednesday last week condemned to 27 years in prison for profiting from the trade, an extraordinarily rare conviction of a senior member of an army that dominates the kingdom.
Illustration: Mountain People
The 61-year-old’s downfall was hastened in 2015 after investigators uncovered secret jungle prisons in the south where traffickers starved and tortured refugees while holding them for ransom.
The discovery exposed Thailand’s horrifying role in a criminal operation that shifted victims from Myanmar to Malaysia, and forced the ruling junta to launch a belated crackdown.
Police followed a money trail that lead straight to Manas, an army hardliner with a passion for bullfighting.
“He was involved in such an obvious way ... at a time when the junta was really trying to show themselves to be clean,” said Paul Chambers, director of research at the Institute of Southeast Asian Affairs at Chiang Mai University and an expert on Thailand’s military. “He is going down because he was at the wrong place at the wrong time.”
Manas was first highlighted as a suspect in early 2015 after 98 famished Rohingya were found in trucks in the city of Nakhon Si Thammarat, stopped by a random police checkpoint.
Provincial police — aided by anti-trafficking non-governmental organization Freeland — used the drivers’ cellphones to trace their regular route.
The trail carved through Thailand’s southern neck from coastal Ranong, where boatloads of refugees arrived from Myanmar, to malaria-infested camps near the Malaysian border, where they were held in appalling conditions.
Phone and e-banking records from the drivers led to key trafficker Sunan Saengthong, a Ranong politician and businessman who had deposited nearly US$600,000 in accounts belonging to Manas.
In May 2015, police found more bank slips revealing that Sunan’s nephew had also transferred huge sums to Manas, including about US$400,000 in just over a month.
Sunan was jailed for 35 years in a separate trial, but his nephew Nattaphat Saengthong and others remain at large.
At about the time of the money transfers, Manas served as a top commander of Thailand’s southern security arm.
His job was to enforce its controversial “pushback” policy — which meant turning around boats of stateless Rohingya who were trying to flee persecution in Myanmar.
However, he used this position to do just the opposite, according to last week’s verdict, which exposed a matrix of collusion between state officials and businessmen who profited from trafficking.
Witnesses said Manas instructed officers to force back a boat of 265 Rohingya in 2012 — only to covertly reroute the ship to shore and truck the human cargo south to the jungle prisons.
Manas “had direct responsibility in the pushback mission and must have been part of this human trafficking network, otherwise the Rohingya would not have been able to return to Thailand so quickly,” the verdict read.
The trafficking operation flourished until the 2015 crackdown, with tens of thousands of victims funneled through a trade worth an estimated US$250 million.
Many were lured from the Myanmar-Bangladesh border by brokers who promised jobs, while others were violently kidnapped and forced onto the boats.
The big money was made in Thailand, where jungle camp wardens telephoned relatives of the weakest refugees and threatened to kill them if they did not send more cash.
The young and strong were sold off as workers to Malaysian palm oil plantations or fishing boats, Freeland said.
All the while, Manas’ seemingly inexorable rise up the army ranks continued, with his command stretching over increasingly large chunks of the south.
Months before his arrest in 2015, he was promoted to lieutenant general and given the sweeping role of “military adviser.”
It was not the first time the hawkish officer had hurdled controversy. He was linked to a 2004 raid on a mosque that left more than 30 Muslim rebels dead in Thailand’s far south, one of the early sparks of an insurgency still burning today.
“He had a reputation for often going beyond the law,” Chambers said, adding that he was known as a “big shot” in the region.
Manas was the only military man convicted in last week’s trafficking trial, which saw more than 60 people sent to jail.
Rights groups welcomed the verdict, but said that many perpetrators remain at large.
“We know not everyone has been accounted for in this trial,” said Amy Smith of Fortify Rights, which closely tracked the investigation. “More needs to be done to account for the horrific crimes that took place ... and to ensure this never happens again.”
Additional reporting by staff writer
Saudi Arabian largesse is flooding Egypt’s cultural scene, but the reception is mixed. Some welcome new “cooperation” between two regional powerhouses, while others fear a hostile takeover by Riyadh. In Cairo, historically the cultural capital of the Arab world, Egyptian Minister of Culture Nevine al-Kilany recently hosted Saudi Arabian General Entertainment Authority chairman Turki al-Sheikh. The deep-pocketed al-Sheikh has emerged as a Medici-like patron for Egypt’s cultural elite, courted by Cairo’s top talent to produce a slew of forthcoming films. A new three-way agreement between al-Sheikh, Kilany and United Media Services — a multi-media conglomerate linked to state intelligence that owns much of
The US and other countries should take concrete steps to confront the threats from Beijing to avoid war, US Representative Mario Diaz-Balart said in an interview with Voice of America on March 13. The US should use “every diplomatic economic tool at our disposal to treat China as what it is... to avoid war,” Diaz-Balart said. Giving an example of what the US could do, he said that it has to be more aggressive in its military sales to Taiwan. Actions by cross-party US lawmakers in the past few years such as meeting with Taiwanese officials in Washington and Taipei, and
The Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan has no official diplomatic allies in the EU. With the exception of the Vatican, it has no official allies in Europe at all. This does not prevent the ROC — Taiwan — from having close relations with EU member states and other European countries. The exact nature of the relationship does bear revisiting, if only to clarify what is a very complicated and sensitive idea, the details of which leave considerable room for misunderstanding, misrepresentation and disagreement. Only this week, President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) received members of the European Parliament’s Delegation for Relations
Denmark’s “one China” policy more and more resembles Beijing’s “one China” principle. At least, this is how things appear. In recent interactions with the Danish state, such as applying for residency permits, a Taiwanese’s nationality would be listed as “China.” That designation occurs for a Taiwanese student coming to Denmark or a Danish citizen arriving in Denmark with, for example, their Taiwanese partner. Details of this were published on Sunday in an article in the Danish daily Berlingske written by Alexander Sjoberg and Tobias Reinwald. The pretext for this new practice is that Denmark does not recognize Taiwan as a state under