Less than a week before France’s presidential election, Marine Le Pen remains a frontrunner after working hard to sanitize the image of her party, the National Front, and to distance it from the uglier associations of Europe’s far right.
However, descriptions of the inner workings of her party by present and former close Le Pen associates, as well as court documents, raise fresh doubts about the success and sincerity of those efforts.
Even before Le Pen’s remarks this week denying France’s culpability in a notorious wartime roundup of Jews, revelations in the French news media, including a well-documented new book, revived nagging concerns about the sympathies of the woman who would be France’s next president.
Illustration: Mountain People
Two men in her innermost circle — Frederic Chatillon and Axel Loustau — are well-known former members of a violent, far-right student union that fought pitched battles with leftists and took a turn toward Hitler nostalgia in the mid-1990s.
They are longtime associates of Le Pen since her days in law school in the 1980s and remain among her closest friends, according to numerous accounts.
French television recently broadcast video from the 1990s of Loustau visiting an aging prominent former SS member, Leon Degrelle, a decorated warrior for Hitler and the founder of the Belgian Rex party, a pre-war fascist movement.
Other video showed Chatillon speaking warmly of his own visit with Degrelle, who was a patron saint of Europe’s far-right youths until his death in 1994.
Some in the National Front flatly deny Chatillon and Loustau are either anti-Semitic or nostalgic for the Third Reich, while others make no secret of avoiding them, precisely because of their taint, but their lingering presence in Le Pen’s inner circle has called into question the sincerity of her strategy to “undemonize” her party and renounce its heritage of deep-rooted anti-Semitism since she took over from her father, Jean-Marie Le Pen, in 2011.
“By the evidence, she considers it’s not something very important,” said historian Nicolas Lebourg, a leading National Front specialist at the University of Montpellier.
The two trusted men continue to work closely with the party’s top leadership, including Marine Le Pen. They have been charged by French prosecutors in an elaborate campaign-finance scheme that has been crucial to keeping the National Front afloat for years.
The financial scandals have not dented Marine Le Pen in the polls before the first round of voting on Sunday. Potentially more damaging might be the revelations about the people she has surrounded herself with, in particular Chatillon and Loustau.
“They have remained National Socialist,” said Aymeric Chauprade, once Marine Le Pen’s principal adviser on foreign affairs until a falling out, partly over his pro-Israel stance.
“They are anti-Semites, nostalgic for the Third Reich, violently anti-capitalist, with a hatred for democracy,” he said in an interview. “People think they’re marginal, but in fact, I discovered, she protects them. She supports them. They are at the heart of everything.”
Chauprade recalled a dinner with Chatillon and others in the spring of 2014 that was “full of anti-Semitic jokes,” but added: “They are not joking. They are real Nazis.”
Court documents and a new book, Marine Knows Everything, by two investigative journalists, Marine Turchi and Mathias Destal, depict the two men as unreformed Nazi sympathizers.
The book includes a photograph of Chatillon, fist raised, at a 1994 rally for a far-right student movement called Groupe Union Defense (GUD).
Separately, an affidavit filed in a 2014 defamation lawsuit (later dropped) offers a fuller portrait of Chatillon’s extremist views from that era.
In the affidavit, Denis Le Moal, once a member of the GUD, described Chatillon’s nostalgia for the Third Reich and his closeness to Holocaust deniers.
Le Moal told of a 1993 rally Chatillon organized for the student group in Paris that resounded with “Sieg Heils” and Nazi salutes.
“During that period, every year, Frederic Chatillon organized a dinner on the birthday of the ‘fuhrer,’ April 20, to pay homage to ‘this great man,’” the affidavit said.
It goes on to describe a gathering in a Paris restaurant when Chatillon brought a painted portrait of Hitler — “a portrait Chatillon showed us during the dinner, saying: ‘My beloved fuhrer, he is magnificent,’ and kissing the picture.”
It said he also organized “striped-pajama” parties as a student, an allusion to the clothing Jews wore in death camps and concentration camps.
“The only debatable point, in the use of the term ‘neo-Nazi,’ is the wrongful qualifier ‘neo,’” the affidavit said.
Requests to arrange interviews with Chatillon and Loustau through associates of theirs were unsuccessful. The men have made no secret of their disdain for journalists.
“To hell with Hitler and the Third Reich, but to hell also with these ‘journalists,’ who write whatever the hell they want,” Chatillon wrote in a Facebook posting.
On Twitter, Loustau denounced “these activists hiding behind a press card, benefiting from all the means of state television to try to destroy us.”
National Front treasurer Wallerand de Saint Just defended the men.
“In no sense are they nostalgic for the Third Reich,” he said. “They were turbulent boys, but they have become true professionals. They work closely with us and we have confidence in them, in the conception, printing and delivery of campaign materials.”
That role has been at the center of a campaign finance scandal that has haunted the National Front for years.
Chatillon’s company, Riwal, served as the exclusive supplier of campaign material to the National Front in elections from 2012 to 2015. Prosecutors suspect it of systematically overcharging for posters, fliers and the like sold in campaign “kits” — and then milking giant reimbursements from the state.
Under French law, the state reimburses the campaign expenses of candidates who earn more than 5 percent of the vote. Chatillon had refined the system to an art, according to a high-ranking French campaign finance official and Chauprade, as well as two new books that closely examine the National Front’s finances.
The official and one of those books, Le Proces Interdit de Marine Le Pen, by Laurent Fargues, describes how that system worked.
A printer would charge Riwal 180 to 220 euros (US$191 to US$233) for 400 posters; Riwal would then charge a small front party affiliated with the National Front, called Jeanne, 500 euros for the posters. Jeanne, in turn, would charge the candidates the inflated price.
After the election, the candidates would claim reimbursement from the state for the inflated amount and that reimbursement would be turned over to Jeanne.
At least some of that money would wind up in the coffers of the National Front, said the French campaign finance official, who requested anonymity because of the continuing presidential campaign.
“They’ve constructed an economy out of reimbursements from the state,” said Chauprade, who has been interviewed by prosecutors about the party’s financial affairs.
Chauprade said he had been pressured by Marine Le Pen herself to buy a kit, but refused, to the fury of party officials.
The system operated through a number of election cycles — regional, municipal, legislative — from 2012 on and most National Front candidates went along with it, the official said.
Once the government oversight agency began to see a pattern of excessive amounts benefiting the National Front, it began to challenge them — knocking off more than 1 million euros in just one campaign, the official said.
Saint Just, who has himself been charged with embezzlement in the scandal, said: “We don’t think we’ve done anything wrong and we think they will be acquitted.”
As for Chauprade: “He’s a profound traitor,” Saint Just said. “He’s trying to avenge himself.”
Lebourg cast no doubt on the revelations about the party, but agreed that Chauprade was “not exactly the Virgin Mary.”
Chauprade was elected in 2014 as a National Front deputy in the European Parliament.
There he was pursued by human rights groups for hate speech for issuing an anti-Islamist diatribe after the Charlie Hebdo attacks in Paris in early 2015.
Now on the outside, he has been willing to say aloud what many critics have long suspected about the National Front.
“It is a mafia-like system,” Chauprade told the newspaper Le Monde last month. “You stick an arm into it, you are stuck yourself.”
He has also spoken to the police about a phony National Front jobs scheme at the European Parliament, which gives deputies expense money that can be used to pay support staff members.
The European Parliament is now demanding that more than 1 million euros be returned from six people associated with the party, including Marine Le Pen, who is also a European lawsmaker and has invoked her parliamentary immunity.
All of that money could be applied to National Front operations in France, giving Marine Le Pen’s party yet another boost.
“Her system was illegal,” Chauprade said.
Philippe Peninque, a leader of the student movement GUD in the 1970s who remains close to Marine Le Pen, said he was confident the National Front would be vindicated in its financial scandals.
In a lengthy interview at an outdoor cafe in the 16th arrondissement of Paris, he also heaped scorn on journalists and others for writing about Chatillon and Loustau, and he defended Chatillon’s visit to the aging Degrelle.
“He didn’t open any concentration camps,” Peninque said.
“My friends” were all about “upside-down humor,” he said. “They don’t respect anything.”
They were neither Third Reich nostalgists nor any danger to the party, he said.
“Marine kicked out her father and she keeps the Nazis?” Peninque asked incredulously.
Chauprade is not so sure.
“She sacrificed her father and yet they are much more radical,” he said of Marine Le Pen’s inner circle, making a comparison to US President Donald Trump’s senior adviser Stephen Bannon.
“If she enters the Elysee, they will enter as surely as Bannon has entered the Oval Office,” he said.
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