Since President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) took office in May last year, her job approval ratings have consistently been low. This is normal, considering that reformers in Chinese history have met with scant approval.
From the Song Dynasty reform led by statesman Wang An-shih (王安石) to the Tongzhi Restoration during the Qing Dynasty, most reforms in China failed because of resistance from conservatives. Reformers are people who rise to meet the challenges of their times; without the political conditions, there would be no reform.
In her first months as president, Tsai faced endless criticism and resistance from the pan-blue camp. From her handling of the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) alleged ill-gotten assets to pension reform, Tsai has received few compliments and has instead been widely criticized for her work to reform the nation, even though the same reforms have been attempted by every administration since the nation elected its first president through a direct vote, although none of the attempts have led to any concrete action.
While in office, former president Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) said many times that the KMT’s ill-gotten assets would be reduced to zero. However, what the KMT really wanted was to find a way out, but due to the sheer number of its assets, it was unable to deal with the issue in time. As a result, the issue remains.
As for pension reform, former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) tried to address the issue during his administration, but eventually gave up due to pressure from conservative forces.
If the government had begun a gradual reform process under former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝), things would probably have been much easier for Tsai from the beginning, or at least she would not have run into so much resistance.
It is because of the previous administrations’ inaction and eagerness to please voters that political reform has become increasingly difficult and Tsai’s approval ratings have remained low.
The KMT’s stolen assets and the nation’s problematic pension system are both vestiges of the authoritarian period. If they were to remain unchanged even though Taiwan has become a free and democratic nation, it would be a great insult to the public and it would also be tantamount to continued exploitation of the resources of future generations.
Following several transitions of power, the idea of transitional justice has become a universally recognized value in Taiwan. Thanks to the power transitions, the continued existence of a biased political system is no longer acceptable. Opposition to reform is the same as opposing democracy and depriving the younger generations of their chances to develop.
If the whole government can be replaced, why is the nation still stuck with the party-assets issue and an unfair pension system? The National Assembly representatives who once held their seats for life were forced to step down, but why has the pension system remained unchanged at the expense of younger generations’ futures?
It is through these unfair systems that the KMT has been able to stay in power for so many years and take whatever resources it wanted from society.
That is the greatest insult and worst thing the party could have done to the nation’s taxpayers — and after all these years of bullying, the most conservative public servants are still trying to protect the party.
Whether Taiwan can continue to become more competitive in the global market depends on the government’s resolution to push reform. Eight months into her term, Tsai’s approval ratings continue to decline.
However, this is not unusual. After all, Taiwanese society is not yet used to democracy and transitions of power. If Tsai aborts her plans for reform because of her low approval ratings, they might fall even further.
Reformers must have the courage to endure being misunderstood and misrepresented. As everyone is well aware, the Ma administration feared reform and as a result he had low approval ratings throughout his presidency. His reluctance to push for reform also led to his party being voted out of power.
Clearly, a political leader has only two options: reject reform and receive no applause, or push for reform and face a low approval rating.
Considering the nation’s long-term democratic development, a bold reformer is what Taiwan really needs.
Public opinion is fickle and might change at any given time depending on public sentiment. From a historical standpoint, poll numbers are highly unreliable and only reflect the public’s short-term sentiment.
Ma was apparently eager to create history and by now it has become clear how he will be remembered as a president. In contrast, Tsai has never said anything about her role as president in Taiwanese history, she simply does what she has to do and, despite her low approval ratings, she does not give up.
What Taiwanese really need is a government that carries out reform when the need arises. Tsai must follow through on her reform plans, because that is the only way Taiwan will become a better place and cause her to be remembered as a great president.
Chen Fang-ming is a professor at the Graduate Institute of Taiwanese Literature at National Chengchi University.
Translated by Tu Yu-an
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