Kinship with foreign parties
The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) are similar to the Democratic Party in Japan and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in China, respectively.
The DPP and the Democratic Party have identical names (民進黨) in their original language, and are led by female politicians. DPP Chairperson Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) is Taiwanese and the president of Taiwan; Democratic Party leader Renho (蓮舫) is Taiwanese from her father’s side and was elected last week as the major opposition party’s leader in Japan. If interested, the two parties can form sister parties like sister cities.
On the other hand, the KMT and the CCP are like siblings who share the same surname, “Chinese,” except that the former is nationalist and the latter is communist. KMT members used to call CCP members “communist bandits” decades ago, but now members of these two parties call each other “cross-strait relatives of one family.”
Many KMT members, including some retired generals and government officials, while enjoying the pensions paid by Taiwan, have gone back to China for a family reunion. Eventually the whole KMT might go back to China like “fallen leaves returning to the roots.”
The KMT recently officially dropped the addendum “with each side having its own interpretation” from the so-called “1992 consensus” slogan to be consistent with the CCP’s “one China” principle.
The KMT and the CCP are even more matched. Based on this slogan, six KMT and two non-partisan local government heads went to China to beg Beijing to end the restriction on the number of Chinese tourists to these eight cities and counties. Is the KMT already power-hungry again after the power transfer in May and trying to implement the so-called “one country, two systems” in Taiwan?
For the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), China’s “century of humiliation” is the gift that keeps on giving. Beijing returns again and again to the theme of Western imperialism, oppression and exploitation to keep stoking the embers of grievance and resentment against the West, and especially the US. However, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) that in 1949 announced it had “stood up” soon made clear what that would mean for Chinese and the world — and it was not an agenda that would engender pride among ordinary Chinese, or peace of mind in the international community. At home, Mao Zedong (毛澤東) launched
With a new White House document in May — the “Strategic Approach to the People’s Republic of China” — the administration of US President Donald Trump has firmly set its hyper-competitive line to tackle geoeconomic and geostrategic rivalry, followed by several reinforcing speeches by Trump and other Cabinet-level officials. By identifying China as a near-equal rival, the strategy resonates well with the bipartisan consensus on China in today’s severely divided US. In the face of China’s rapidly growing aggression, the move is long overdue, yet relevant for the maintenance of the international “status quo.” The strategy seems to herald a new
To say that this year has been eventful for China and the rest of the world would be something of an understatement. First, the US-China trade dispute, already simmering for two years, reached a boiling point as Washington tightened the noose around China’s economy. Second, China unleashed the COVID-19 pandemic on the world, wreaking havoc on an unimaginable scale and turning the People’s Republic of China into a common target of international scorn. Faced with a mounting crisis at home, Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) rashly decided to ratchet up military tensions with neighboring countries in a misguided attempt to divert the
Toward the end of former president Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) final term in office, there was much talk about his legacy. Ma himself would likely prefer history books to enshrine his achievements in reducing cross-strait tensions. He might see his meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) in Singapore in 2015 as the high point. However, given his statements in the past few months, he might be remembered more for contributing to the breakup of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT). We are still talking about Ma and his legacy because it is inextricably tied to the so-called “1992 consensus” as the bedrock of his