The Hong Kong Legislative Council election on Sunday was the first major manifestation of public opinion in the territory since the “Umbrella movement” in late 2014 and the “fishball revolution” in February. With the highest voter turnout since 1997, there were long lines at several polling stations as Hong Kongers sought to cast their votes in some hotly contested seats.
The election expressed a glimpse of hope in the self-mobilization of local civil society. This hope contributed to the rebuilding of mutual bonds among Hong Kongers fighting for democratic governance and progressive change.
The significance of the election outcome must be understood against the changing demography of Hong Kong voters. As with other developed nations, Hong Kong’s electorate is divided along generational, educational and socioeconomic lines.
The territory’s aging population was thought to be a troubling trend that could work against pro-democracy and pro-independence candidates. Since Hong Kongers are becoming older, they are more likely to vote conservative, supporting the “status quo” and avoiding any attempt to offend Beijing.
The only way to counter this conservative trend is to engage the younger population. The greater the percentage of young voters with a higher education, the more likely they will support the democratic candidates.
Even though six pro-independence candidates were banned from running, the strong support for other “post-Umbrella movement” candidates who campaigned on an agenda of localism has fueled the radicalization of local politics.
Witnessing the deterioration of public governance in Hong Kong under communist rule, many Hong Kongers worry about the proliferation of hegemonic Chinese influence. They have seen the imposition of Chinese authoritarian rule, with the continuation of the previous colonial governance in the name of protecting prosperity and stability.
They find themselves trapped in a society characterized by frequent Chinese interventions in the territory’s internal affairs, an insatiable appetite for materialism and an assertion of Hong Kong Cantonese identity.
For years, mutual suspicion and distrust have prohibited solidarity among ordinary Hong Kongers. This explains why so many political activists and opposition groups emerged after the “Umbrella movement” and they operated outside the traditional pro-democracy parties. Rather than forming a united front, they often competed with each other for the same group of supporters, thus causing the fragmentation of the pro-democracy camp.
Meanwhile, Hong Kong Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying (梁振英) and his cronies have skillfully employed terror and fear as the weapons of mass distraction, legitimating the oppressive rule and deflecting the public’s attention from internal crises. Through mass deception, the ruling elites exclude anyone deemed to be potentially subversive.
They have launched a large-scale smear campaign against pro-independence youth and banned public schools from discussing Hong Kong’s independence from China. While the regime of surveillance permeates every level of society, it forces the people into submission and slows down the pace of democratization.
Yet, this election has revived the spirit of civic engagement embodied by the “Umbrella movement” struggles. The results sent a powerful message about voters’ commitment toward democratic change and their determination to seek an alternative mode of governance. Unless Beijing takes into account this new public sentiment, it will miss an opportunity to win the hearts and minds of Hong Kongers.
Joseph Tse-hei Lee is professor of history at Pace University in New York.
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