The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has always held that cross-strait relations are president-elect Tsai Ing-wen’s (蔡英文) Achilles’ heel.
The party, during its time in government and before every election, kept bringing up the so-called “1992 consensus,” deluding itself and trying to fool Taiwanese and the international community.
It wants people to believe that cross-strait relations would collapse, peace across the Taiwan Strait would dissipate, trade and tourist traffic across the Strait would decline and the economic perks from China would dry up if the “1992 consensus” — which the KMT fabricated — is not honored.
It also says that Beijing would ratchet up the rhetoric about the “1992 consensus” being central to further progress in cross-strait relations.
Taiwanese are not buying any of this. Tsai, who does not accept the so-called consensus, swept to victory in January’s presidential election. The Democratic Progessive Party (DPP), led by Tsai, secured its first-ever majority in the legislature, giving the party total control over the government.
Meanwhile, the KMT suffered a rout, and its unpopular cross-strait policy and its implementation are seen as one of the main reasons for its defeat.
Given the political realities, the Chinese Communist Party is proving more in-touch and flexible than the KMT.
In a speech at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, Chinese Minister of Foreign Affairs Wang Yi (王毅) talked about a new basis for cross-strait affairs in the coming DPP period, saying that the party was elected according to the constitution and that it would approach cross-strait affairs in its own way, but still in accordance with the Constitution, as “a party to be elected according to a Constitutional system and then to violate the constitution would not only be unimaginable, it would be unsustainable and unacceptable to the international community, the citizens of China and the Taiwanese public.”
Although Wang did not mention the DPP or Tsai in his speech — nor did he utter the name “the Republic of China (ROC)” — it was perfectly clear to whom he was referring.
Wang replacing the “1992 consensus” with his talk of constitutional process is China’s way of creating a new model for conducting exchanges with the DPP and is of major significance for the development of cross-strait relations in the post-KMT period.
However, it is important not to get carried away.
When Wang talks about the Constitution, he is not referring to the parts about the power of the public nor the organizational framework of the government in the ROC Constitution, he is talking about the spirit of a pre-unification “one China” found in the Additional Articles.
Although Beijing has changed its tactics from emphasizing the “1992 consensus” to complying with the ROC Constitution, its goal is to avoid a collapse in cross-strait relations, while giving both sides enough space to maneuver.
However, its ultimate goal remains unchanged, which is to bring about “one China.”
In her victory speech after the presidential election, Tsai said that she would continue to promote cross-strait relations based on the current iteration of the ROC Constitution, the outcome of cross-strait negotiations and exchanges, and democratic principles and public opinion.
A new path is already emerging in cross-strait relations. The fractures that outside observers feared have not materialized and there is still hope for continued peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait.
From this point on, the term “1992 consensus,” which had never appeared in any official document prior to former Mainland Affairs Council chairman Su Chi (蘇起) fabricating it, will be consigned to the dustbin of history.
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