In the UK, we have always had international ambitions and international responsibilities. These obviously predate the EU — we have been trading and doing business in Europe for centuries.
However, for more than 40 years, our membership in the EU has significantly helped us realize our ambitions and discharge our responsibilities. It has also made us safer.
That the EU is now our biggest trading partner and that EU membership makes us attractive for inward investment is well-known. More than 80 percent of UK firms that trade do business with Europe. Less well-known are the arrangements used on a daily basis by our citizens and businesses to form and maintain the different relationships that trading in Europe throws up — business-to-business relationships, business-to-consumer relationships and family relationships — and to resolve differences when they arise.
In the past, our citizens and businesses had to rely on often slow and creaking intergovernmental cooperation, including bilateral and multinational conventions. Now, they can take advantage of EU civil judicial cooperation measures that are far more effective. Almost everyone with any experience in resolving cross-border civil disputes agrees that a return to the old way of working would very obviously be a retrograde step. The business case for staying in Europe is very powerful.
However, it is not just business relationships that have become more international. Those in Britain who engage in serious and organized crime do not confine their activities to within our borders. They increasingly operate across Europe.
The tragic events in Paris in November last year, along with confirmation that seven terror plots have been foiled in the UK in recent months, underline just how important it is that we maintain and enhance our capacity to investigate and prosecute those concerned. To counter these threats, our police and security forces need to be able to act just as quickly and across borders. Information needs to be shared speedily, arrests have to be coordinated and a prosecution strategy devised.
That is why all those involved in the investigation and prosecution of serious organized crime have always made full use of available EU police and criminal justice measures, often with very good results. One of the best examples is the case of Hussain Osman, one of the failed July 21, 2005, London bombers, who placed explosives at Shepherd’s Bush tube station before fleeing to Italy.
As a result of joint UK-Italian intelligence sharing and a European arrest warrant, he was arrested in Rome a few days later and returned to the UK. He was successfully prosecuted and is now serving a 40-year prison sentence.
That is in stark contrast to progress under earlier non-EU arrangements. The return from the UK to France of Rachid Ramda for his part in the 1995 Paris metro bombings took nearly 10 years to come to fruition. The European Police Office, known as Europol, established in 1998, contributes to more than 13,500 cross-border investigations each year.
Four years ago, a UK-led operation across 12 countries dealt successfully with a very large child abuse network. At least 230 children were at risk, including 60 in the UK, and the operation led to the arrest of more than 180 offenders, 121 of whom were arrested in the UK.
Alongside Europol, there are EU arrangements for joint investigation teams, which enable police teams in two or more EU countries to team up to carry out criminal investigations, and Eurojust, which is the body responsible for judicial cooperation between EU member states.
No less useful is the European criminal records information system, which holds details of the previous convictions of EU nationals. When I was director of public prosecutions from 2008 to 2013, we were among the heaviest users of the Eurojust facility. The benefits were obvious. Almost anyone with experience in fighting crime across borders agrees that a return to the pre-EU way of working would be a big step in the wrong direction.
With approximately 3,600 internationally active organized crime gangs operating in Europe, the need for EU cross-border cooperation and intelligence sharing will go up, not down. This is before we factor in the risk of terrorism.
The Paris atrocities are a stark reminder that if we want to remain safe, we need even greater sharing of intelligence, pooling of resources and joint working across Europe.
Britain outside the EU would be less able to respond with the speed and strength we need to tackle complex threats. That is why, alongside the business case for staying in the EU, there is a hard-headed national security case. By flirting with withdrawal from the EU, British Prime Minister David Cameron is now putting all of this at risk.
Keir Starmer is Labour Party member of the British parliament for Holborn and St Pancras.
Could Asia be on the verge of a new wave of nuclear proliferation? A look back at the early history of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), which recently celebrated its 75th anniversary, illuminates some reasons for concern in the Indo-Pacific today. US Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin recently described NATO as “the most powerful and successful alliance in history,” but the organization’s early years were not without challenges. At its inception, the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty marked a sea change in American strategic thinking. The United States had been intent on withdrawing from Europe in the years following
My wife and I spent the week in the interior of Taiwan where Shuyuan spent her childhood. In that town there is a street that functions as an open farmer’s market. Walk along that street, as Shuyuan did yesterday, and it is next to impossible to come home empty-handed. Some mangoes that looked vaguely like others we had seen around here ended up on our table. Shuyuan told how she had bought them from a little old farmer woman from the countryside who said the mangoes were from a very old tree she had on her property. The big surprise
The issue of China’s overcapacity has drawn greater global attention recently, with US Secretary of the Treasury Janet Yellen urging Beijing to address its excess production in key industries during her visit to China last week. Meanwhile in Brussels, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen last week said that Europe must have a tough talk with China on its perceived overcapacity and unfair trade practices. The remarks by Yellen and Von der Leyen come as China’s economy is undergoing a painful transition. Beijing is trying to steer the world’s second-largest economy out of a COVID-19 slump, the property crisis and
Former president Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) trip to China provides a pertinent reminder of why Taiwanese protested so vociferously against attempts to force through the cross-strait service trade agreement in 2014 and why, since Ma’s presidential election win in 2012, they have not voted in another Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) candidate. While the nation narrowly avoided tragedy — the treaty would have put Taiwan on the path toward the demobilization of its democracy, which Courtney Donovan Smith wrote about in the Taipei Times in “With the Sunflower movement Taiwan dodged a bullet” — Ma’s political swansong in China, which included fawning dithyrambs