From former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石) to Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman and presidential candidate Eric Chu (朱立倫), the KMT’s repeated calls for “reform” and “unity” have left the public feeling numb.
The slogans are actually codes for the threats and the potential breakup that the KMT faces. Since genuine reform would involve tackling the party’s advantageous position that ensures its existence, KMT officials restrict themselves to speaking fine words, while achieving very little in practice. It is nothing more than an attempt to pull the wool over the public’s eyes.
When Chiang led his defeated army to Taiwan, he was determined to reform the KMT, and introduce a centralized and authoritarian leadership. He thought that it was the chaos of war and the failure to carry out reform that led to defeat in the Chinese Civil War.
In Taiwan, Chiang decided to modify the KMT, while unscrupulously carrying out land reform. Chiang was unable to carry out the reforms in China, as landowners formed his power base, but he could implement them in Taiwan, since it did not hurt his base of support and had the benefit of eradicating the power of landowners.
The KMT’s problem is its innate Leninist approach and its sense of superiority as “outsiders,” which makes it incompatible with the democratization of the nation.
When the Republic of China (ROC), during the tenure of Chiang’s son former president Chiang Ching-kuo (蔣經國), was expelled from the UN, the KMT’s rule lost all legitimacy. As a result, Chiang reluctantly initiated Taiwanization reforms and recruited Taiwanese politicians as window dressing.
Chiang’s successor, Lee Teng-hui (李登輝), quickened the pace of localization and in doing so saved the KMT. Nevertheless, Lee was accused by the “outsiders” — who had vested interests in the system — of having injected into the party a corrupt faction.
President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) reinstated the KMT’s party-state system. Mainlanders once again held the advantage, although Ma, unable to shake off corruption among local factions, relied on them to shore up his power. Ma’s incompetent regime entered into a Faustian pact with the localist faction, which has led the KMT to face an existential threat.
Ahead of the Jan. 16 presidential and legislative elections, the farcical nomination process for the KMT’s presidential candidate has exposed the conflict between the “outsiders” and the “locals” within the party.
Furthermore, the KMT’s latest mishandling of its legislator-at-large nominations list has drawn a chorus of criticism from inside and outside the party.
Chu said that his resolve for reform has not changed, adding that the KMT is a party of tolerance.
The only positive thing about the KMT’s legislator-at-large list is that none of the political thugs-for-hire, who are good at starting rumors and causing trouble, have made the list. This might be the only point that represents real reform.
Perhaps after the elections, this would help lower the temperature of hostile exchanges within the Legislative Yuan.
However, Chu’s supposed tolerance is still only limited to yes-men and disreputable clans; Chu is unable to tolerate anyone who places themselves above politics or holds dissenting views.
If the Leninist party, which came from abroad, does not pack its bags and shut up shop, its calls for reform and tolerance would be seen as nothing more than doublespeak and lies.
James Wang is a media commentator.
Translated by Edward Jones
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