People First Party (PFP) Chairman James Soong (宋楚瑜)is once again running for president. It feels as if history is repeating itself and it is the year 2000, which shows that the nation’s democratic development is being stifled by the colonial structure of the Republic of China (ROC).
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is in chaos and political tricks are being played once again. Soong has started a mud-slinging match with his former party, starting another chapter in his political life.
In 2000, Soong refused to accept former vice-president Lien Chan’s (連戰) nomination as the party’s presidential candidate. Aside from despising Lien, former president Lee Teng-hui’s (李登輝) chosen successor, Soong also wanted to prevent the ROC from falling into the hands of Taiwanese. After losing the election, Lien ran off to China, showing his true colors.
Fast forward to the present and Soong has correctly assessed the situation: Everyone knows KMT presidential candidate Hung Hsiu-chu (洪秀柱) is suffering from deep-blue syndrome and has no chance of winning next year’s election. Unable to suppress his wild ambition, Soong has returned for another go.
Soong is determined to adhere to the so-called ROC structure, despite the fact that it is smothering the nation’s prospects. Still trapped within the ideological construct that says: “Taiwan is a part of China,” Soong is determined to preserve KMT rule.
The PFP and the deep-blue New Party are two different wings of the KMT’s party-state ideology. The former, having adapted in its tactics, understands the electoral process and knows it must take into consideration voters’ views and unite politicians to win over the electorate. The latter sees Taiwan as belonging to the KMT, which is the motivating force behind all that it does and the reason it despises the nation. That said, the PFP also does not believe Taiwan belongs to Taiwanese. Both parties are equally bad.
During the 2000 presidential election, Soong defected from the KMT, yet he still received support from within both the KMT and the New Party.
Soong’s drifting in and out of the KMT shows that he believes he is the true voice of the party. As he sees it, Hung is nothing more than the puppet of President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) and former National Security Council secretary-general King Pu-tsung (金溥聰).
Soong is unable to let go of the Chinese DNA that makes up the KMT and he is bound by his ideological roots. Trying in vain to assume the role of a model Taiwanese provincial governor and stuck in a time warp, Soong is unable to come up with innovative solutions to political problems.
After Lee became president, the New Party splintered from the KMT and later Soong used his political power to establish another party, but in comparison with many KMT party members, Soong and his breakaway party were more saturated with the KMT ethos.
When Lee was forced to step down, none of his powerful entourage — in particular former vice president Vincent Siew (蕭萬長) and Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng (王金平) — dared to make any rash moves. Siew followed orders when Ma brought the party back to power, taking on the role of Ma’s deputy. Wang, who was challenged by Ma and lost the battle, is still languishing within the party; nursing a grievance, though he remains loyal. They are Taiwanese politicians who have been cowed or perhaps have lost heart.
Compared with Soong’s ambitious and ruthless nature, they are servants and followers. When the time came to throw their hats in the ring, they bottled it.
Lee Min-yung is a poet.
Translated by Edward Jones
Saudi Arabian largesse is flooding Egypt’s cultural scene, but the reception is mixed. Some welcome new “cooperation” between two regional powerhouses, while others fear a hostile takeover by Riyadh. In Cairo, historically the cultural capital of the Arab world, Egyptian Minister of Culture Nevine al-Kilany recently hosted Saudi Arabian General Entertainment Authority chairman Turki al-Sheikh. The deep-pocketed al-Sheikh has emerged as a Medici-like patron for Egypt’s cultural elite, courted by Cairo’s top talent to produce a slew of forthcoming films. A new three-way agreement between al-Sheikh, Kilany and United Media Services — a multi-media conglomerate linked to state intelligence that owns much of
The US and other countries should take concrete steps to confront the threats from Beijing to avoid war, US Representative Mario Diaz-Balart said in an interview with Voice of America on March 13. The US should use “every diplomatic economic tool at our disposal to treat China as what it is... to avoid war,” Diaz-Balart said. Giving an example of what the US could do, he said that it has to be more aggressive in its military sales to Taiwan. Actions by cross-party US lawmakers in the past few years such as meeting with Taiwanese officials in Washington and Taipei, and
The Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan has no official diplomatic allies in the EU. With the exception of the Vatican, it has no official allies in Europe at all. This does not prevent the ROC — Taiwan — from having close relations with EU member states and other European countries. The exact nature of the relationship does bear revisiting, if only to clarify what is a very complicated and sensitive idea, the details of which leave considerable room for misunderstanding, misrepresentation and disagreement. Only this week, President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) received members of the European Parliament’s Delegation for Relations
Denmark’s “one China” policy more and more resembles Beijing’s “one China” principle. At least, this is how things appear. In recent interactions with the Danish state, such as applying for residency permits, a Taiwanese’s nationality would be listed as “China.” That designation occurs for a Taiwanese student coming to Denmark or a Danish citizen arriving in Denmark with, for example, their Taiwanese partner. Details of this were published on Sunday in an article in the Danish daily Berlingske written by Alexander Sjoberg and Tobias Reinwald. The pretext for this new practice is that Denmark does not recognize Taiwan as a state under